Sunday, November 30, 2014

BAUAW NEWSLETTER: SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 30, 2014

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Bay Area United Against War Newsletter

Table of Contents:

A. EVENTS AND ACTIONS

B. ARTICLES IN FULL



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A. EVENTS AND ACTIONS



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Benefit Concert

at El Rio Bar

with important update on

MARISSA ALEXANDER'S CASE

(3158 Mission St., at Precita St.)

Tues., December 2nd, 8-11pm

 Who is Marissa Alexander?
On August 1, 2010, just nine days after giving birth to her daughter, Marissa Alexander was attacked by her abusive, estranged husband, at their shared home. As Marissa explained, “In an unprovoked jealous rage, my husband violently confronted me while using the restroom. He assaulted me, shoving, strangling and holding me against my will, preventing me from fleeing all while I begged for him to leave.” Marissa retrieved her lawfully registered gun and fired a warning shot upwards into a wall to prevent him from beating her. No one was injured by her warning shot.

Even though Marissa was acting in self-defense, she was arrested by Jacksonville police and charged with aggravated assault. She rejected a three year plea bargain in order to maintain her innocence and the right to defend her life. After only 12 minutes of deliberation, a jury of six convicted Marissa of three counts of aggravated assault with a deadly weapon with no intent to harm. Her sentence was set at 20 years.

Recent plea deal.

On Monday, Nov. 25, Marissa Alexander accepted a plea deal in Florida court that will allow her to return home after serving 65 more days, in addition to a period of monitoring at home after her release. She will be freed from prison in January 2015.

We in WORD and Marissa's supporters in Florida and across the U.S. have demanded her complete exoneration. She was acting in self-defense but the Florida prosecutor Angela Corey was aggressively pursuing up to a 60-year sentence if Marissa were to be found guilty in a new trial.

Given the possibility of an unjust conviction and lengthy sentence, Marissa's choice to accept a plea bargain is completely understandable. Most importantly, we stand with our sister and her decision that will allow her to return to her life and family.

Get involved. The struggle continues!

And yet, her case is not over. There is still the possibility the judge could impose a 5-year sentence for a second charge of aggravated assault.

All along this struggle for justice, it has taken the mobilizations, education and legal fight on Marissa Alexander's behalf that overturned her original conviction, won her a new trial and allowed her to accept a much lower sentence, even if unfair.

Let's not stop here! Come to the El Rio fundraiser and help us raise funds to send to Marissa Alexander's support campaign in Florida. She will need our solidarity until she is home free.

El Rio bar is at 3158 Mission. We'll enjoy the music of Heart of Orion, Vixen Noir, and Rebel Allianz  as we socialize and raise a glass to Marissa Alexander and WORD's work!

See you there!

WORD SF
Women Organized to Resist and Defend

Follow us on Facebook    Follow us on Twitter
www.DefendWomensRights.org
info@DefendWomensRights.org

Chicago: 773-828-9205 or chicago@defendwomensrights.org
Connecticut: 203-787-8232 or ct@defendwomensrights.org
Los Angeles: 323-394-3611 or la@DefendWomensRights.org
New York: 347-292-WORD (9673) or nyc@defendwomensrights.org
San Francisco: 415-375-9502 or sf@DefendWomensRights.org

If this message was forwarded to you, subscribe to receive future email updates.

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Cops vs Free Speech
How police are threatening Mumia, convicts, teachers, and all of us with censorship as well as bullets!

Speakers and
Film: “Manufacturing Guilt”

7 pm Friday December 5th 2014
Theater at
La Pena Cultural Center
3105 Shattuck Ave, Berkeley
(just below Ashby Avenue)
$5 - $10 sliding scale at the door
(no one turned away)

Join the Labor Action Committee To Free Mumia Abu-Jamal, Prison Radio and Oakland Teachers For Mumia to hear how police are targeting political enemies with attempts to restrict free speech.

•  Keith Cook, brother of Mumia Abu-Jamal,

•  Cephus “Uncle Bobby” Johnson, uncle of Oscar Grant,

•  Eliot Grossman, former lawyer for Mumia, and

•  Spokespersons for Prison Radio, Oakland Teachers for Mumia, and the Labor Action Committee To Free Mumia Abu-Jamal.

•  Film: “Manufacturing Guilt” — This riveting documentary makes it clear how cops and prosecutors framed Mumia Abu-Jamal for a murder he didn’t commit.
Join us!  We will discuss:


• The New “gag” law in Pennsylvania that seeks to silence prisoners. This law, cobbled together in days following Mumia’s recorded presentation to a commencement ceremony at Goddard College, was explicitly designed to “shut him up.” The targets of this blatantly unconstitutional law, however, include all prisoners convicted of violent crimes!

• A Law Suit has been filed to stop the “gag” law from being implemented!  Support for this effort is critical. Donations will go toward the fight against the “gag” law.

• The  suppression of the “Urban Dreams” web site by the Oakland School Board. This teacher-created site of voluntary curriculum ideas included one comparing the suppression of Mumia’s commentaries with censorship of Martin Luther King’s later writings. While the Superintendent of Schools has now promised to restore the site, we must remain vigilant!

• Both of these measures—the “gag” law in Pennsylvania, and the suppression of the Urban Dreams website—were taken at the behest of the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP)!  The FOP is a highly politicized organization which seeks to silence social critics such as Mumia Abu-Jamal, and dictate the curricula in schools! The FOP and Democrat/Republican politicians will continue their attempts at intimidation and suppression, unless we act!

• Ferguson shows that black and Latino youth particularly are threatened by militarized and politicized police who shoot first and ask questions later, and frame their targets for crimes they didn’t commit. Chief targets have included Native American Activists like Leonard Peltier, militant working-class activists, Mumia Abu-Jamal, Black Panthers and Martin Luther King. Mumia is currently a top target to silence.  But anyone and everyone can be on their enemies list, and in their cross-hairs!  Fight back now!

Donate Now
to fight the “gag” law!
go to:
https://www.indiegogo.com/projects/protect-freedom-of-speech-keep-mumia-on-the-air

See you on December 5th!

The Labor Action Committee To Free Mumia Abu-Jamal
PO Box 16222  •  Oakland CA  •  510.763.2347
www.laboractionmumia.org

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Support Prison Radio

$35 is the yearly membership.

$50 will get you a beautiful tote bag (you can special order a yoga mat bag, just call us).

$100 will get the DVD "Mumia: Long Distance Revolutionary"

$300 will bring one essay to the airwaves.

$1000 (or $88.83 per month) will make you a member of our Prison Radio Freedom Circle. Take a moment and Support Prison Radio

Luchando por la justicia y la libertad,

Noelle Hanrahan, Director, Prison Radio

PRISON RADIO

P.O. Box 411074 San Francisco, CA 94141

www.prisonradio.org
info@prisonradio.org 415-706-5222

Pennsylvania legislators are trying to stop prisoners from speaking about their ideas and experiences. Last week, PA Representative Mike Vereb introduced a bill (HB2533) called the “Revictimization Relief Act,” which would allow victims, District Attorneys, and the Attorney General to sue people who have been convicted of “personal injury” crimes for speaking out publicly if it causes the victim of the crime “mental anguish.”

The bill was written in response to political prisoner Mumia Abu-Jamal’s commencement speech at Goddard College, and is a clear attempt to silence Mumia and other prisoners and formerly incarcerated people. We believe that this legislation is not actually an attempt to help victims, but a cynical move by legislators to stop people in prison from speaking out against an unjust system.

While to us this seems like a clear violation of the first amendment, unfortunately the PA General Assembly doesn’t appear to agree, and they have fast-tracked the bill for approval and amended another bill (SB508) to include the same language. The legislation could be voted on as early as Wednesday.

If this bill passes, it will be a huge blow to the movement against mass incarceration. People inside prisons play a leading role in these struggles, and their perspectives, analysis, and strategies are essential to our work. Incarcerated and formerly incarcerated people who write books, contribute to newspapers, or even write for our Voices from the Inside section would run the risk of legal consequences just for sharing their ideas.

That’s why we are asking you to take action TUESDAY OCTOBER 14 by calling Pennsylvania lawmakers to tell them that prisoners should not be denied the right to speak.

Please call your legislators and demand that they vote NO on HB2533 and SB508. You can look up contact information at http://www.legis.state.pa.us/cfdocs/legis/home/findyourlegislator/.

We are also asking folks to call the following Senate leaders and ask them to stop the bill from moving forward:

Senate Majority Whip Pat Browne  (717) 787-1349

Senate Minority Whip Anthony Williams  (717) 787-5970

Senate Majority Leader Dominic Pileggi  (717) 787-4712

Senate Minority Leader Jay Costa (717) 787-7683

Not sure what to say on the phone? Click here for a sample call script.

Want to write a letter to your legislators, or looking for more talking points? Click here for more info!

- See more at: http://decarceratepa.info/freespeech#sthash.TtdN3AkI.dpuf






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COURAGE TO RESIST
http://couragetoresist.org/

New Action- write letters to DoD officials requesting clemency for Chelsea!

November 24, 2014 by the Chelsea Manning Support Network
mchugh_md
Secretary of the Army John McHugh
President Obama has delegated review of Chelsea Manning’s clemency appeal to individuals within the Department of Defense.
Please write them to express your support for heroic WikiLeaks’ whistle-blower former US Army intelligence analyst PFC Chelsea Manning’s release from military prison.
It is important that each of these authorities realize the wide support that Chelsea (formerly Bradley) Manning enjoys worldwide. They need to be reminded that millions understand that Manning is a political prisoner, imprisoned for following her conscience. While it is highly unlikely that any of these individuals would independently move to release Manning, a reduction in Manning’s outrageous 35-year prison sentence is a possibility at this stage.
Take action TODAY – Write letters supporting Chelsea’s clemency petition to the following DoD authorities:
Secretary of the Army John McHugh
101 Army Pentagon
Washington, DC 20310-0101
The Judge Advocate General
2200 Army Pentagon
Washington, DC 20310-2200
Army Clemency and Parole Board
251 18th St, Suite 385
Arlington, VA 22202-3532
Directorate of Inmate Administration
Attn: Boards Branch
U.S. Disciplinary Barracks
1301 N. Warehouse Road
Fort Leavenworth, KS 66027-2304
Suggestions for letters send to DoD officials:
  • The letter should focus on your support for Chelsea Manning, and especially why you believe justice will be served if Chelsea Manning’s sentence is reduced.  The letter should NOT be anti-military as this will be unlikely to help
  • A suggested message: “Chelsea Manning has been punished enough for violating military regulations in the course of being true to her conscience.  I urge you to use your authorityto reduce Pvt. Manning’s sentence to time served.”  Beyond that general message, feel free to personalize the details as to why you believe Chelsea deserves clemency.
  • Consider composing your letter on personalized letterhead -you can create this yourself (here are templates and some tips for doing that).
  • A comment on this post will NOT be seen by DoD authorities–please send your letters to the addresses above
This clemency petition is separate from Chelsea Manning’s upcoming appeal before the US Army Court of Criminal Appeals next year, where Manning’s new attorney Nancy Hollander will have an opportunity to highlight the prosecution’s—and the trial judge’s—misconduct during last year’s trial at Ft. Meade, Maryland.
Help us continue to cover 100% of Chelsea’s legal fees at this critical stage!
> > > Please donate today! < < <


War resister Sara Beining court martial set for Dec. 9 at Fort Carson, Colorado

sara beiningClick here to contribute to Sara Beining’s legal defense and prison fund
November 11, 2014. Courage to Resist and the Nuclear Resister
Facing a lengthy prison sentence, Army war resister Sara Beining is scheduled to be court martialed at Fort Carson, Colorado at 9am, December 9th, on two counts of desertion.
Supporters are encouraged to attend the trial, contribute to her legal and prison fund, and send her letters letter of support to: Sara Beining, A0305918 / Criminal Justice Center / 2739 E. Las Vegas St / Colorado Springs, CO 80906
Sara is a single mother and Iraq war veteran. She is being held in the civilian county jail prior to her military trial. Sara went AWOL a second time last summer after a nearly year-long delay in resolving the original charge that resulted when she left her unit at Ft. Hood in January, 2007.
Just over one year ago, September 14, 2013, Beining was stopped for a traffic offense and held on an outstanding military warrant, more than six years after she and her newlywed husband had together walked away from war service. She was briefly jailed, then given a plane ticket and orders to report back to Fort Carson, Colorado, where, she said, “I tried for another year to play the game” and be quietly processed out of the army as many other recent military refusers have been. But in her absence without leave, Beining had given birth to a daughter in September, 2008 and become an outspoken opponent of war.


Courage to Resist
484 Lake Park Ave. #41
 Oakland, CA 94610
510-488-3559
couragetoresist.org

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Update on the legal fight to #FreeRasmeaNow
Rasmea Defense Committee November 28, 2014

Ever since her unjust conviction on November 10th, Rasmea has been detained in St. Clair County Jail in Port Huron, Michigan. Three days later, her attorneys filed a motion calling on Judge Gershwin Drain to release her pending sentencing scheduled for March 10, 2015. Since our most recent update, the prosecution has filed a response to the motion, Rasmea’s lawyers have answered that filing, the National Lawyers Guild has filed its own friend of the court brief supporting Rasmea’s freedom, and hundreds of individuals and organizations from across the country have sent letters to the judge urging him to send Rasmea home.

We expect that Judge Drain will be deciding if Rasmea will be freed very soon, but are still calling on supporters to keep up the fight to #FreeRasmeaNow!

What you can do:

-- Many of you have already submitted letters urging the judge to release Rasmea. We are still collecting individual and organizational letters to him. Use the sample letter and send your letters to justice4rasmea@uspcn.org right away.

-- You have also sent letters to Rasmea, and this continues to be important. She has called her Chicago colleagues from jail a number of times, written letters, and has received a few visitors as well. Her spirits are high and she is looking forward to the next step in the fight for justice in her case. We encourage you to continue to send letters of support to Rasmea. (Please remember that prison authorities will read all of your letters.)
Rasmieh Odeh #144979
St. Clair County Jail
1170 Michigan
Port Huron, MI. 48060

-- Fundraise and contribute to Rasmea’s commissary fund and to her ongoing defense. Donate at www.stopfbi.net/donate. Commissary funds allow Rasmea to purchase food, blankets, writing materials, and other items to make her more comfortable in the jail. Expenses continue to mount for Rasmea’s legal defense and ongoing community organizing. We will file an appeal of this unjust verdict, and that will take resources.

-- Spread the word! When publicizing on social media, use the hashtags #Justice4Rasmea and #FreeRasmeaNow.

www.uspcn.org and www.stopfbi.net
Donate to Rasmea! today

http://www.stopfbi.net/events/11-10-14/be-detroit-nov-10-rasmea-odeh-and-final-verdict

 follow on Twitter | friend on Facebook | forward to a friend
Copyright © 2014 Committee to Stop FBI Repression, All rights reserved.
Thanks for your ongoing interest in the fight against FBI repression of anti-war and international solidarity activists!
Our mailing address is:
Committee to Stop FBI Repression
PO Box 14183
Minneapolis, MN 55414


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First Amendment Lawsuit

"Abu-Jamal v. Kane" filed 11/10 in Federal Court!

Dear Friends,

Today the Abolitionist Law Center, Amistad Law Project, and the
Roderick & Solange MacArthur Justice Center are filing a historic lawsuit in Federal Court on behalf of Prison Radio, Mumia Abu-Jamal, Educators for Mumia, and other plaintiffs. We seek to overturn a new PA Law designed to allow the state to silence targeted prisoners by preventing their speech.

What is at stake is your right to hear Mumia and other prisoners, journalists right to record, and prisoners right to speak.  As a puppet for the agenda of the Fraternal Order of Police, and to add to his poll numbers, PA Governor Tom Corbett signed SB508 into law on 10/21, (effective immediately), and specifically targeting Mumia Abu-Jamal's right to free speech.

The law puts Prison Radio, our correspondents, and our listeners in jeopardy. So in response we have filed a federal civil rights lawsuit in the middle district of PA (Harrisburg).

We will win this lawsuit.
We will continue to record Mumia.
We can uphold all prisoners’ rights to speak their truth.
But we need your help to do it.

DONATE:

https://www.indiegogo.com/projects/protect-freedom-of-speech-keep-mumia-on-the-air


Defeat Pennsylvania’s Prisoner Gag Law!

Free Speech Under Threat from Police & Politicians!

Mumia is the Immediate Target, but We’re All in the Cross-Hairs!

How You Can Help… see below…

07 November 2014 — An outrageous new law threatening the free speech of convicts has been passed in Pennsylvania in a lightning fast process. The chief target of this law?  Innocent political prisoner Mumia Abu-Jamal, and others like him. The perpetrators of this law?  The Fraternal Order of Police (FOP), and their lap-dog friends in the state legislature and governor’s mansion of PA. The victims of this law? Convicts like Mumia; non-profits that distribute the writings and speech of convicts; and ultimately the working class and all who oppose this racist, capitalist system.

The new law, the “Re-victimization Relief Act,” enables crime victims—as well as local authorities and the state, using taxpayer funds—to sue any imprisoned convict whose conduct “perpetuates the continuing effect of the crime on the victim,” ie, causes “mental anguish.” This broad and subjective definition could mean anything!

PA Governor: Convicts Have No Rights

This law was hashed together, and quickly passed and signed in reaction to a pre-recorded commencement address to a Goddard College graduating class by Mumia Abu-Jamal, himself a graduate of Goddard College.  Mumia’s inspiring address at Goddard said absolutely nothing about his case, yet cops protested at the college entrance; and days later the law was signed by PA Governor Corbett in a ceremony at 13th and Locust in Philadelphia, the spot where Officer Daniel Faulkner was shot to death—by someone other than Mumia—in 1981. Corbett said that “convicted felons in prison have abused and surrendered their rights,” a blatantly false assertion.

Protestors shouted “free Mumia,” and “one-term Tom” at the Governor, which is what he turned out to be after losing his seat in the recent mid-term elections. But the threatening law he signed continues to menace convicts.

“Mumia Bill” Designed to “Shut Him Up”

This new law is just the latest manifestation of the blatant targeting of Mumia, by the very cops, courts and politicians who put him away for a crime he didn’t commit in the first place. Called the “Mumia Bill,” this act was designed to “shut him up” (Philly.com, 07.Oct.2014). It follows a long line of “Mumia rules,” in which courts have literally changed precedent when considering Mumia’s case, only to change back again on other cases later. Will this blatantly unconstitutional law get overturned, or will it be allowed to stand as yet another “Mumia rule,” in defiance of all precedent? We cannot take that chance!

Mumia’s case is just the immediate pretext for this legal atrocity. The danger here is that this blatantly unconstitutional law could have far-reaching effects, even if it does eventually get overturned. What about radio stations such as the Pacifica Network, and non-profit organizations such as Prison Radio, which promote the defense cases, and distribute the writings of Mumia and other convicts, wrongfully convicted or otherwise?  They all have the right of free speech!

Lawyers with the Abolitionist Law Center and the Amistad Law Project have joined with Prison Radio (publishers of Mumia’s commentaries) to mount an aggressive defense against this vindictive, so-called “legal” challenge to the right of free speech. These folks need you help!

— Donate Now To Defeat PA’s Prisoner Gag Law —

Go to: http://bit.ly/defendfreespeech

Mumia has been definitively shown to be innocent of the 1981 crime for which he was convicted. He was the victim of an orchestrated frame-up by cops and prosecutors, who were not only targeting a known leftist and former Black Panther, and not only covering up their own rampant corruption in Philadelphia’s inner city; but they were also covering their probable complicity in the execution of one of their own, who was talking to the Feds about the corruption at the time.

The system has chickened out of trying to execute Mumia, since the evidence of his innocence is so overwhelming. But they’ve confined him to state prison for life without the possibility of parole (LWOP). Our job remains unchanged: Mumia is Innocent! For labor action to free Mumia!

Defeat Pennsylvania’s Prisoner Gag Law!

http://bit.ly/defendfreespeech

This message brought to you by:

The Labor Action Committee To Free Mumia Abu-Jamal

PO Box 16222, Oakland CA 94610 • www.laboractionmumia.org • 510.762.2347

November 2014



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Support Prison Radio

$35 is the yearly membership.

$50 will get you a beautiful tote bag (you can special order a yoga mat bag, just call us).

$100 will get the DVD "Mumia: Long Distance Revolutionary"

$300 will bring one essay to the airwaves.

$1000 (or $88.83 per month) will make you a member of our Prison Radio Freedom Circle. Take a moment and Support Prison Radio

Luchando por la justicia y la libertad,

Noelle Hanrahan, Director, Prison Radio

PRISON RADIO

P.O. Box 411074 San Francisco, CA 94141

www.prisonradio.org
info@prisonradio.org 415-706-5222

Pennsylvania legislators are trying to stop prisoners from speaking about their ideas and experiences. Last week, PA Representative Mike Vereb introduced a bill (HB2533) called the “Revictimization Relief Act,” which would allow victims, District Attorneys, and the Attorney General to sue people who have been convicted of “personal injury” crimes for speaking out publicly if it causes the victim of the crime “mental anguish.”

The bill was written in response to political prisoner Mumia Abu-Jamal’s commencement speech at Goddard College, and is a clear attempt to silence Mumia and other prisoners and formerly incarcerated people. We believe that this legislation is not actually an attempt to help victims, but a cynical move by legislators to stop people in prison from speaking out against an unjust system.

While to us this seems like a clear violation of the first amendment, unfortunately the PA General Assembly doesn’t appear to agree, and they have fast-tracked the bill for approval and amended another bill (SB508) to include the same language. The legislation could be voted on as early as Wednesday.

If this bill passes, it will be a huge blow to the movement against mass incarceration. People inside prisons play a leading role in these struggles, and their perspectives, analysis, and strategies are essential to our work. Incarcerated and formerly incarcerated people who write books, contribute to newspapers, or even write for our Voices from the Inside section would run the risk of legal consequences just for sharing their ideas.

That’s why we are asking you to take action TUESDAY OCTOBER 14 by calling Pennsylvania lawmakers to tell them that prisoners should not be denied the right to speak.

Please call your legislators and demand that they vote NO on HB2533 and SB508. You can look up contact information at http://www.legis.state.pa.us/cfdocs/legis/home/findyourlegislator/.

We are also asking folks to call the following Senate leaders and ask them to stop the bill from moving forward:

Senate Majority Whip Pat Browne  (717) 787-1349

Senate Minority Whip Anthony Williams  (717) 787-5970

Senate Majority Leader Dominic Pileggi  (717) 787-4712

Senate Minority Leader Jay Costa (717) 787-7683

Not sure what to say on the phone? Click here for a sample call script.

Want to write a letter to your legislators, or looking for more talking points? Click here for more info!

- See more at: http://decarceratepa.info/freespeech#sthash.TtdN3AkI.dpuf


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 Medical Care Needed for Chelsea Manning!

 ACLU files lawsuit against Army demanding medical care for Manning

 By the Chelsea Manning Support Network

Yesterday, the ACLU and Chelsea Manning filed a lawsuit against the Army demanding the necessary medical treatment for Manning’s previously diagnosed gender dysphoria.

By continuing to deny Manning treatment, the Army is directly violating Chelsea’s constitutional rights under the 8th amendment. Chase Strangio, attorney in the ACLU Gay Lesbian Bisexual and Transgender project and co-counsel on Ms. Manning’s case, notes “such clear disregard of well-established medical protocols constitutes cruel and unusual punishment.”

Due to a full year of neglecting Manning’s medical care, the ACLU had previously announced a Sept 4th deadline for the Army to provide treatment. After continued failure to provide treatment, the ACLU filed a lawsuit yesterday and released the following statement:

ACLU Demands Government Provide Chelsea Manning Necessary Medical Care

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

September 23, 2014

CONTACT: Crystal Cooper, ACLU National, 212-549-2666; media@aclu.org

WASHINGTON—Today, Chelsea Manning filed a lawsuit in federal court in the District of Columbia against Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel and other Department of Defense (DOD) and Department of the Army officials for their failure to provide necessary medical treatment for her gender dysphoria, a condition with which she was originally diagnosed by Army doctors more than four years ago.

The complaint is accompanied by a motion for preliminary injunction demanding that Ms. Manning be provided hormone therapy, permission to follow female grooming standards, and access to treatment by a medical provider qualified to treat her condition. Ms. Manning is currently serving a thirty-five year prison sentence at the United States Disciplinary Barracks at Ft. Leavenworth Kansas, and though the military recognizes that she has gender dysphoria requiring treatment, critical care has been withheld without any medical basis.

“The government continues to deny Ms. Manning’s access to necessary medical treatment for gender dysphoria, without which she will continue to suffer severe psychological harms,” said Chase Strangio, attorney in the ACLU Gay Lesbian Bisexual and Transgender project and co-counsel on Ms. Manning’s case. “Such clear disregard of well-established medical protocols constitutes cruel and unusual punishment.”

Ms. Manning is represented by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), the ACLU of the Nation’s Capital, the ACLU of Kansas and civilian defense counsel David E. Coombs. Last month, Ms. Manning’s legal team sent a letter to the DOD and Army officials demanding that she receive treatment for gender dysphoria in accordance with medical standards of care, including hormone therapy and permission to follow female grooming standards. Her treatment needs have continued to be unmet and her distress has escalated.

“I am proud to be standing with the ACLU behind Chelsea on this very important issue.” said David E. Coombs, “It is my hope that through this action, Chelsea will receive the medical care that she needs without having to suffer any further anguish.”

Gender dysphoria is a serious medical condition that requires hormone therapy and changes to gender expression, like growing hair, to live consistently with one’s gender identity as part of accepted standards of care.

Without necessary treatment, gender dysphoria can cause severe psychological distress, anxiety, and suicidality. For this reason, the National Commission on Correctional Health Care and the American Psychological Association have issued policy statements that support providing treatment to prisoners diagnosed with the condition in accordance with established standards of care, as the Federal Bureau of Prisons and many state corrections agencies are already doing.

A copy of the complaint is available at:

aclu.org/lgbt-rights-prisoners-rights/manning-v-hagel-et-al-complaint-declaratory-and-injunctive-relief

The motion for preliminary injunction is available at:

aclu.org/lgbt-rights-prisoners-rights/manning-v-hagel-et-al-plaintiffs-motion-preliminary-injunction

This press release is available at:

aclu.org/lgbt-rights-prisoners-rights/aclu-demands-government-provide-chelsea-manning-necessary-medical-care

—Free Chelsea Manning, September 24, 2014

http://www.chelseamanning.org/press/aclu-files-lawsuit-against-army-demands-medical-care-for-manning

Write to Chelsea Manning:

Mail must be addressed exactly as follows:

CHELSEA E. MANNING     89289

1300 NORTH WAREHOUSE ROAD

FORT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS 66027-2304



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 B. ARTICLES IN FULL




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1) Will Texas Kill an Insane Man?
By




2)  A Quiet Wedding for Darren Wilson







3) Woman Cleared in Death Caused by G.M.’s Faulty Ignition Switch
By REBECCA R. RUIZ




4) In Brooklyn, 2 Young Men, a Dark Stairwell and a Gunshot
By





5) More Troops Ordered to Ferguson After Night of Chaos
By and




6) Ferguson Grand Jury Faced Mass of Evidence, Much of It Conflicting
By , , and





7) Fury After Ferguson





8) Mass Imprisonment and Public Health
By





9) Video Shows Cleveland Officer Shot Boy in 2 Seconds
By





10) Activists Help Pay for Patients’ Travel to Shrinking Number of Abortion Clinics
By




11) Greeks Go On Strike Over New Austerity Measures
By NIKI KITSANTONIS




12) At Macy’s Parade, Bands, Balloons and, This Thanksgiving, Protesters
By




13) Egyptian Judges Drop All Charges Against Mubarak
By and MERNA THOMAS




14) Protesters United Against Ferguson Decision, but Challenged in Unity
By




15) In New York Public Housing, Policing Broken Lights
By





16) Where Do We Go After Ferguson?
By MICHAEL ERIC DYSON




17) When Whites Just Don’t Get It, Part 5





18) Egyptian Activists Protest Mubarak Verdict Online and Outside in a Sealed Tahrir Square
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1) Will Texas Kill an Insane Man?
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On Dec. 3, Texas plans to execute an inmate named Scott Panetti, who was convicted in 1995 for murdering his in-laws with a hunting rifle. There is no question that Mr. Panetti committed the murders. There is also no question that he is severely mentally ill, and has been for decades.

During his capital murder trial, at which he was inexplicably allowed to represent himself, Mr. Panetti dressed in a cowboy suit and attempted to subpoena, among others, John F. Kennedy and Jesus Christ. A standby lawyer said his behavior was “scary” and “trance-like,” and called the trial “a judicial farce.”

It was not an act. Mr. Panetti, now 56, was first diagnosed with schizophrenia when he was 20, and in the years before the murders he was hospitalized several times for delusions and psychotic episodes.

In this respect, he is no different from the estimated 350,000 inmates around the country with mental illness — 10 times the number of people in state psychiatric hospitals. But Mr. Panetti is not just another insane prisoner; his name is synonymous with the Supreme Court’s modern jurisprudence about mental illness on death row. In Panetti v. Quarterman, decided in 2007, the justices held that it is not enough for a defendant simply to be aware that he is going to be executed and why — the previous standard the court had used in permitting the execution of the mentally ill. Rather, he must have a “rational understanding” of why the state plans to kill him.

Noting Mr. Panetti’s “well-documented history of mental illness,” the court held that capital punishment serves no retributive purpose when the defendant’s understanding of crime and punishment is so distorted that it “has little or no relation to the understanding of those concepts shared by the community as a whole.”

For example, Mr. Panetti understood that the state claimed the reason for his death sentence was the murder of his in-laws, but he believed the real reason was “spiritual warfare” between “the demons and the forces of the darkness and God and the angels and the forces of light.”

But the justices refused to set precise guidelines for determining whether someone is competent enough to be executed, and they did not overturn Mr. Panetti’s sentence. Instead, they sent the case back to the lower courts for a fuller reconsideration of his current mental state.By any reasonable standard — not to mention the findings of multiple mental-health experts over the years — Mr. Panetti is mentally incompetent. But Texas, along with several other stubborn states, has a long history of finding the loopholes in Supreme Court rulings restricting the death penalty. The state has continued to argue that Mr. Panetti is exaggerating the extent of his illness, and that he understands enough to be put to death — a position a federal appeals court accepted last year, even though it agreed that he was “seriously mentally ill.”

Mr. Panetti has not had a mental-health evaluation since 2007. In a motion hastily filed this month, his volunteer lawyers requested that his execution be stayed, that a lawyer be appointed for him, and that he receive funding for a new mental-health assessment, saying his functioning has only gotten worse. For instance, he now claims that a prison dentist implanted a transmitter in his tooth.

The lawyers would have made this motion weeks earlier, immediately after a Texas judge set Mr. Panetti’s execution date. But since no one — not the judge, not the district attorney, not the attorney general — notified them (or even Mr. Panetti himself), they had no idea their client was scheduled to be killed until they read about it in a newspaper. State officials explained that the law did not require them to provide notification.

On Nov. 19, a Texas court denied the lawyers’ motion. A civilized society should not be in the business of executing anybody. But it certainly cannot pretend to be adhering to any morally acceptable standard of culpability if it kills someone like Scott Panetti.


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2)  A Quiet Wedding for Darren Wilson




FERGUSON, Mo. — Darren Wilson, the officer who fatally shot 18-year-old Michael Brown in August, has been out of public sight ever since. Yet last month, he stepped into a St. Louis County office building, gave his name and applied for a marriage license.

Several days later, Officer Wilson married Barbara Spradling, a fellow officer in the Ferguson Police Department, public records show.

The couple obtained their marriage license in Clayton, Mo., outside St. Louis, in the recorder of deeds office on the fourth floor of the Lawrence K. Roos administrative building, steps away from the courthouse where the grand jury has been meeting.

While security guards question people going in and out of the building, the deeds office itself is a blandly bureaucratic place where clerks sit in open cubicles. A clerk at the marriage license desk said on Monday that she was surprised that Officer Wilson went there, as opposed to another county or state — possibly Las Vegas, she said — where he could have filled out paperwork with a greater guarantee of privacy.

Records show that Officer Wilson, 28, and Officer Spradling, 37, were married on Oct. 24. One of the two witnesses at the ceremony was Greg Kloeppel, one of Officer Wilson’s lawyers. Christopher B. Graville, a municipal judge in Oakland, Mo., performed the ceremony.

Officer Wilson has been on paid administrative leave from the police department since August, when he fatally shot Mr. Brown on a Ferguson street, setting off months of angry demonstrations. A grand jury is currently meeting to determine whether there is probable cause that Officer Wilson committed a crime when he killed Mr. Brown. A decision from the grand jury is expected any day.

Both Officer Wilson and Officer Spradling were previously married, public records indicate. His divorce was finalized on Nov. 10, 2013.

Officer Wilson and Officer Spradling own a home together on Manda Lane in Crestwood, Mo., a St. Louis suburb about a half-hour drive from Ferguson.

They have scarcely been seen there since Mr. Brown was killed on Aug. 9. Neighbors said that within a few days of the shooting, Officer Wilson and Officer Spradling abruptly left their home.

Officer Spradling received a medal of valor award in 2012 for her work as a police officer. Officer Wilson received a commendation earlier this year for his arrest of a suspect in a drug case.



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3) Woman Cleared in Death Caused by G.M.’s Faulty Ignition Switch
By REBECCA R. RUIZ

Ten years since her boyfriend’s death in a defective Saturn Ion, a Texas woman has been cleared of the criminal record she had carried as a result of it.

Candice Anderson was held responsible for the death of Gene Mikale Erickson, 25, when he was killed on Nov. 15, 2004, riding as a front-seat passenger in her beige Ion. Ms. Anderson crashed the car into a tree on a bright afternoon while driving along a country road in Ben Wheeler, Tex.

In May, The New York Times reported that General Motors considered Mr. Erickson a victim of its faulty ignition switch, which has led to the recall of 2.6 million cars, including the Ion, this year and engulfed the automaker in the gravest safety crisis in its history. The defect, which can cause a loss of power, disabling power brakes, power steering and airbags, has been linked to at least 35 deaths.On Monday, 10 years and nine days since the accident, a judge in Van Zandt County, Tex., overturned Ms. Anderson’s guilty plea and cleared her record. Ms. Anderson’s parents and Mr. Erickson’s mother were in the courtroom, the same one in which Ms. Anderson had been indicted by a grand jury years earlier.

“It’s overwhelming; it’s a range of emotions,” Ms. Anderson said. “I’m elated. Things are upside down. Or, really, right-side up.”

The district attorney who prosecuted Ms. Anderson submitted a statement in support of her vindication. That district attorney, Leslie Poynter Dixon, and the police trooper who investigated Ms. Anderson’s accident, whose report strongly suggested that Ms. Anderson’s driving had been influenced by intoxication, had both said that if the ignition-switch defect had been publicly known at the time of the crash, certain details of the accident — like the seemingly inexplicable lack of skid marks or evasive action — would have been seen differently.

“At the time, unbeknownst to Ms. Anderson or my office, there were issues regarding her 2004 Saturn Ion,” Ms. Poynter Dixon wrote in a letter in support of Ms. Anderson in July. “Had I known at the time that G.M. knew of these issues and has since admitted to such, I do not believe the grand jury would have indicted her for intoxication manslaughter.”

On Monday, General Motors, in a statement, for the first time publicly linked Mr. Erickson’s death to the defect.

Ms. Anderson, 21 at the time of the crash, suffered serious injuries, including a lacerated liver. But the guilt surrounding her own survival and her boyfriend’s death, for which she was prosecuted on an intoxicated manslaughter charge, because of the trace amount of Xanax in her system, caused her more enduring pain, she said.

Until this year, she wrestled with questions about her role in Mr. Erickson’s death. The police trooper who investigated the accident had deduced that Ms. Anderson was intoxicated before her drug test results came back. His police report referred to the seemingly inexplicable circumstances of the accident, her history of recreational drug use, “witness testimony and Anderson’s behavior at the scene,” which was disoriented and emotional.

She pleaded guilty to criminally negligent homicide in October 2007, five months after G.M. had conducted an internal review of the case and quietly ruled its car was to blame. She served five years probation and paid more than $10,000 in fines and restitution.

G.M. did not disclose its culpability when federal safety regulators asked about the cause of the crash in a so-called death inquiry. Instead, in June 2007, the automaker wrote to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration that it had not assessed the cause of the crash when, in fact, it had: A G.M. engineer had ruled just a month earlier that power to the vehicle had most likely shut off.

After her story was first reported in the spring, Ms. Anderson’s attorney, Robert Hilliard, and federal lawmakers had called on Mary T. Barra, G.M.'s chief executive, to support a pardon.

At a congressional hearing in July, Senator Richard Blumenthal, Democrat of Connecticut, called Ms. Anderson’s indictment “a perversion of the justice process,” adding that “G.M. allowed an innocent person to be convicted of a crime.”

He asked Ms. Barra and Michael P. Millikin, G.M.'s top lawyer, to contact Gov. Rick Perry of Texas to urge a pardon for Ms. Anderson. Both declined; Ms. Barra indicated that she could submit “evidence to support” Ms. Anderson’s exoneration, but she did not think it appropriate to advocate for it.

Ms. Anderson said she still had not heard from G.M. directly.

“I don’t expect I ever will,” she said. Ms. Anderson said would accept a payment from the automaker’s victim compensation program run by Kenneth R. Feinberg. “My plan is to take the compensation and take this clearing of my record and move on with my life.”

On Monday, James R. Cain, a spokesman for G.M., defended the automaker’s long silence on the matter. “We have taken a neutral position on Ms. Anderson’s case,” he said. “It is appropriate for the court to determine the legal status of Ms. Anderson.”

He noted that Mr. Feinberg’s compensation program “is set up to evaluate claims without consideration of contributory negligence.”

Having long worked as a home health aide and currently in pursuit of a nursing degree, Ms. Anderson said she had suffered professionally from being a convicted criminal. To be accepted to nursing school, she had to petition the Texas Board of Nursing and pay for a psychiatric examination to prove her mental stability. With her criminal record, she would have been barred from at-home caregiving and hospice work, and she had been worried about finding full-time work after graduation.

“Who wants someone taking care of their mother if they have homicide on their record?” she said.

Beyond its practical effects on her work, Ms. Anderson said her cleared record would significantly affect her life in other ways.

“This will change so many things,” she said, noting that she would someday be grateful to tell the story of her exoneration to her daughters, now 4 and 6. “My heart is going to be a lot lighter to be able to tell them ‘this is what happened, this horrible thing. And it wasn’t Mommy’s fault.'”



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4) In Brooklyn, 2 Young Men, a Dark Stairwell and a Gunshot
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For two flights down a darkened Brooklyn stairwell, Akai Gurley descended, mortally wounded by gunfire but apparently unaware that the single shot had come from a police officer’s 9 millimeter weapon.

A few paces down and fleeing the boom of gunfire, his girlfriend, Melissa Butler, turned when she no longer heard him behind her, according to an account provided by a senior police official who was briefed by investigators. Retracing her steps, she found Mr. Gurley, 28, near the fifth-floor landing and rushed to a family friend on the fourth floor of the housing project to call 911.

“My neighbor says her boyfriend has been shot,” the friend told the dispatcher, according to the police official, who had viewed the call logs. “Call the cops.”

Upstairs, two officers already knew who had fired the shot. A gun in the hand of one young officer, Peter Liang, had gone off one time, the round flying — and possibly ricocheting — down the dark, cinder-block stairway.Within hours of the shooting late Thursday night, the Police Department had conceded a grave error. The mayor and William J. Bratton, the police commissioner, visited the family home on Friday to apologize. The following day, protesters assembled outside the 75th Precinct station house in the East New York. And community leaders, including the Rev. Al Sharpton, drew parallels to the fatal shooting of an unarmed black teenager in Missouri, and the killing of Eric Garner by police on Staten Island.

The shooting focused scrutiny on everyday tactics used by officers in housing projects, where rooting out entrenched violence has been a departmental priority, even as basic questions about the death remained unanswered: Had Officer Liang, surprised by a figure in the shadows below, reflexively squeezed the trigger, or had he merely lost his grip as he opened the door to the stairs?

“The cop who was standing behind Officer Liang doesn’t know what happened; the girlfriend doesn’t know what happened,” said the official. “There is a distinct possibility that Officer Liang doesn’t quite understand what happened.”

From different corners of Brooklyn, the lives of Mr. Gurley and Officer Liang, two young men separated in age by a single year, collided amid the faint shadows of the stairwell inside 2724 Linden Blvd., one of the buildings in the vast the Louis H. Pink housing project.

For Mr. Gurley, the stairs, even in their sorry state, offered the best alternative to chronically malfunctioning project elevators. For Officer Liang, their darkness presented a threat.

The fatal shooting, described as accidental by Commissioner Bratton, is the subject of investigations by the Police Department and the Brooklyn district attorney, Kenneth P. Thompson. Officer Liang has not been interviewed yet by the police, which is standard in cases that could be presented to a grand jury.

Without talking to the officer involved, police officials said they could offer only theories as to what occurred in the stairwell.

What is known, police officials said, is that Officer Liang took out his service weapon before entering the unlit stairwell, a not-uncommon practice by officers patrolling inside the city’s housing projects. He held a flashlight. He opened the eighth-floor door, followed by his partner, also a relatively new officer and whose name has not been released. The gun went off as Mr. Gurley entered the landing one floor below, trailing his girlfriend.

Before the shooting, Mr. Gurley, had been on his way up in life, friends said. Childhood hopes of a music career were behind him, his good looks brought modeling work, and his determination had recently landed him something more steady after several months of searching: a job offer from the city housing authority.

He told friends that he was relieved to have a reliable paycheck to help provide for his 2-year-old daughter, Akaila, and her mother, Kimberly Michelle Ballinger.

“He was happy that he was about to go to work, he was relieved,” said Mr. Dente Crosby, 28, a friend of several years.

He was a familiar face around the Red Hook Houses in Brooklyn where he lived with his daughter and her mother. Rose Quintana, 48, who lived in Mr. Gurley’s building there for six years, said she was on good terms with the mother of his daughter.

She added that a few years ago, the building was filthy and home to delinquents whom she worked with housing authority officials to oust. Though she did not know Mr. Gurley well, she appreciated him for never causing trouble.

“The problems that we had in this building was never that young man,” she said of Mr. Gurley.

Still, his life took him between two of New York City’s more dangerous pockets: his home in the Red Hook Houses and the Pink Houses in East New York where Ms. Butler lived. Mr. Gurley, known by his nickname “Bless,” had in recent years shied away from the streets, acquaintances said.

“He was getting it all together,” said a woman who knew Mr. Gurley but requested anonymity because she did not want to be connected to the case. “He was becoming an actor, he was going to school for modeling and he was going to work for the city,” she said.

The sort of patrol being conducted by Officer Liang and a partner, a so-called vertical patrol starts from the roof of a building and descends through its stairways, is considered essential to policing the projects. But they are seen by officers on daily patrol as among the most perilous assignments. Before starting one, officers radio special codes — 10-75V or 10-75I — to alert dispatchers in case anything happens.

The patrols became increasingly common over the summer as Commissioner Bratton flooded public housing with officers — many, like Mr. Liang, on overtime — to stem a rise in shootings. In the Pink Houses in East New York, recent gun violence, including two homicides, has drawn more officers.

Often the department’s least experienced officers are sent.

“This is a result of poor in-street field training; you literally had the blind leading the blind out there,” said another high-ranking police official.

Both police officials spoke on the condition of anonymity because the shooting investigation is still unfolding.

Early in his tenure, Commissioner Bratton promised to provide better guidance for rookie officers in high-crime neighborhoods, though the new program is not expected to start until January. Better training would not stop officers from drawing their weapons, the officials said, nor could it entirely prevent them from firing accidentally. In most years, the department logs about two dozen inadvertent gunshots, most during weapons maintenance. In 2012, a Bronx man died from what the police said was an accidental shooting after he collided with an officer responding to a robbery with his gun drawn.

On Sunday, a patrol car sat outside Officer Liang’s home in Bensonhurst. A neighbor who spoke to his family said Mr. Liang, 27, who lives with his parents, had barely left his room since the shooting. The neighbor, Fred Chan, 58, said his wife spoke to Mr. Liang’s mother late Saturday. She told him that Mr. Liang had barely eaten since the shooting. “Peter can’t stop thinking about what happens,” Mr. Chan said, relaying what he had been told about the conversation in Cantonese. “He would just say, ‘It was so dark. I was so scared.' ”

Yuri Castillo, 19, heard the shot from the stairwell, and minutes later heard Mr. Gurley’s girlfriend, Ms. Butler, weeping in the fourth floor stairwell.


Reporting was contributed by Nate Schweber, Nikita Stewart, Benjamin Mueller and Jeffrey E. Singer.




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5) More Troops Ordered to Ferguson After Night of Chaos
By and

FERGUSON, Mo. — After a chaotic night of demonstrations that erupted in many fires, frequent bursts of gunshots, looting and waves of tear gas, Gov. Jay Nixon said early Tuesday that he would send additional National Guard troops to help quell the worst violence this battered St. Louis suburb has seen since a white police officer shot and killed an unarmed black teenager in August.

The hours of unrest followed the announcement on Monday evening that a grand jury had chosen not to indict the officer, Darren Wilson, for the death of Michael Brown. St. Louis County reported that 61 people had been arrested.

“I really don’t have any hesitation in telling you that I didn’t see a lot of peaceful protest out there tonight, and I’m disappointed about that,” Jon Belmar, the St. Louis County police chief, said early Tuesday at a news conference. “I’m not saying there weren’t folks out there that were out there for the right reason — I’m not saying that wasn’t the case — but I am saying that, unfortunately, this spun out of control.”

Chief Belmar said demonstrators had set fire to at least a dozen buildings in and around Ferguson, and estimated that he had heard about 150 gunshots. The police, he said, did not fire any live ammunition.

Asked whether he would call the unrest that unfolded in Ferguson a riot, the chief replied, “Oh yeah, this fits.”

Fires continued to burn into Tuesday, and some of the flames and smoke on West Florissant Avenue, a main thoroughfare that was an epicenter of violence in August, lapped over the fence lines behind the storefronts, swooping perilously close to homes.

“It’s horrible, horrible, horrible, horrible,” said Tammy Ruffin, 54, standing in stinging smoke that swept over her house Tuesday morning. “I knew this was going to happen.”

Although she said that she, too, was upset that Officer Wilson had not been indicted, “It’s the wrong reaction,” she said.

The outbreak of violence played out even as President Obama spoke from the White House and pleaded for calm and restraint from both the police and the protesters.

“First and foremost, we are a nation built on the rule of law,” Mr. Obama said. “And so we need to accept that this decision was the grand jury’s to make.”

Speaking at a news conference in Clayton, Mo., Robert P. McCulloch, the St. Louis County prosecuting attorney, described the series of events that led to the shooting, as well as the evidence presented to the 12-member grand jury. He detailed an altercation inside Officer Wilson’s vehicle, after which Officer Wilson had Mr. Brown’s blood on his weapon, shirt and pants, the prosecutor said, as well as swelling and redness on his face.

But the words spoken by Mr. Obama and Mr. McCulloch seemed distant here on a night when screams and gunshots echoed through the streets, demonstrators looted stores and set vehicles ablaze, and officers were pelted with rocks and bricks. Demonstrations also played out across the country, including in Atlanta; Los Angeles; New York; Oakland, Calif.; and Philadelphia. The demonstrations were largely peaceful.

In Ferguson, the unrest that began outside the police station quickly spread through other parts of the city and region, as people braved chilly temperatures to take to the streets. In St. Louis, protesters shuttered Interstate 44 and marched along Grand Boulevard in the southern part of the city.

Disorder broke out moments after Mr. McCulloch announced that Mr. Wilson would not face charges for the Aug. 9 shooting.

Mr. Brown’s mother, Lesley McSpadden, and stepfather, Louis Head, stood with protesters outside the barricaded Ferguson police station as Mr. McCulloch made the decision public. As Ms. McSpadden cried, Mr. Head turned and yelled, with an expletive injected, “Burn this down!”

The crowd began to roar, and some demonstrators rushed toward a fence near which police officers had assembled.

“You need to disperse,” a voice over the loudspeaker of an armored police vehicle said after protesters threw rocks at officers, vandalized buildings and set fire to a police squad car. “Leave the area immediately.”

Almost on cue, right after Mr. McCulloch said that Officer Wilson would not be charged, cars began flooding what was an empty West Florissant Avenue. Outraged pedestrians foretold the volatility that ensued.

As the unrest began in some parts of Ferguson, the police initially held back. On West Florissant, demonstrators shattered windows at a McDonald’s restaurant and a wireless phone store, and they removed wooden boards that were intended to protect a liquor store.

But the police eventually returned to the streets with significant force. As the authorities regained control of most of West Florissant, they formed a line with armored vehicles to restrict access and threatened to arrest those who remained on the street.

“You need to stop destroying the city of Ferguson,” an officer said over a loudspeaker.

Chief Belmar said the initial, hands-off tactics by the police were intended to allow protesters to stage peaceful demonstrations, but he said that the situation ultimately grew so unstable that it required a more forceful approach.

But Rev. Waltrina Middleton, who traveled here from Chicago to help maintain peace, blamed the police for aggression. “I think they’re going over the top,” she said. “A lot of what you see is a response to the aggressive nature of the police.”

A variety of businesses in the Ferguson area, including nail shops, a Walgreens and a public storage facility, went up in flames. Firefighters, the police said, could not easily reach burning businesses because the conditions were too dangerous.

Gunfire rang out frequently throughout the night — sometimes sounding like it came from an automatic weapon — forcing protesters and reporters along the strip to rush for cover.

The scenes of fire and smoke throughout the city were both intimidating and captivating to residents of the area. Mike Jones, 30, who lives on the north side of St. Louis, said he was watching the events unfold from his home but then raced out to assess the situation in person. He had mixed feelings about what he saw. The black community needed to take a stand, he said, but the looting and fires only take money away from people.

“People, they’re only able to express themselves so many ways,” said Mr. Jones, who is black. “It’s never a win-win situation.”

In a terse statement issued just after 1 a.m., the office of Mr. Nixon, who visited Ferguson hours before the grand jury’s announcement, said the governor had ordered more members of the National Guard into the city, but did not specify how many.

“The Guard is providing security at the Ferguson Police Department, which will allow additional law enforcement officers to protect the public,” the statement said.On Monday night, National Guard soldiers had been assigned to protect, among other locations, a police command post and an electrical substation.

That approach, though, frustrated Ferguson’s mayor, James Knowles III, as the unrest spread.

“They’re here in the area,” Mr. Knowles said, “I don’t know why they’re not deploying.”

It remained unclear what other steps the authorities would take to manage protests that were expected to continue. Earlier this year, Mr. Nixon briefly imposed a midnight curfew in Ferguson.

Captain Ronald S. Johnson of the Missouri State Highway Patrol, one of the commanders overseeing the police response, deflected a question about whether Missouri officials might reinstate a curfew.

“A curfew wouldn’t have made a difference tonight,” he said.

Just up the street from Ferguson’s besieged police station, several patrons, most of them white, drank and socialized in Marley’s Bar and Grill. The television showed scenes of fire and chaos, and outside police officers with riot gear stood toe-to-toe with agitated crowds. Inside, there was an air of relaxation.

Chief Belmar described the night as an especially treacherous one for police officers, and officials displayed a .45-caliber semiautomatic pistol they seized from a protester who was stopped for failing to disperse on South Florissant Road.

The night’s events clearly unnerved Captain Johnson, who grew up in the area.

“Our community’s got to take responsibility for what happened tonight, what happened tonight as far as tearing our community apart,” he said. “We definitely have done something here that is going to impact our community for a long time.”

Manny Fernandez, Mitch Smith and Monica Davey contributed reporting from Ferguson, and Julie Bosman from Clayton.




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6) Ferguson Grand Jury Faced Mass of Evidence, Much of It Conflicting
By , , and

FERGUSON, Mo. — Michael Brown became so angry when he was stopped by Officer Darren Wilson on Canfield Drive here on Aug. 9, his face looked “like a demon,'’ the officer would later tell a grand jury.

He testified that when Mr. Brown reached into the officer’s vehicle and fought him for his gun, Mr. Brown was so physically overpowering that the officer “felt like a 5-year-old holding onto Hulk Hogan.”

And when Mr. Brown ran away and then turned to face Officer Wilson, the officer recalled, he did not raise his hands in a gesture of retreat, as many neighbors have said – he made “a grunting, like aggravated sound,” clenched his left hand into a fist, tucked his right hand under his shirt toward his waistband and began running at the officer, who shot him dead.

That account, a vivid and vastly different version from what many people believe happened on Aug. 9, was given by Officer Wilson when he testified before a St. Louis County grand jury in September.The officer’s recollections of that day, told over several hours, was part of a trove of thousands of pages of documents released to the public on Monday after the county prosecutor, Robert P. McCulloch, announced that the grand jury had decided to bring no criminal charges in the case.

Officer Wilson’s version of events was just one part of a vast catalog of testimony and other evidence that the grand jurors absorbed during the three months that they heard the case. Yet it appeared to have helped convince the jurors, a group of nine whites and three African-Americans, that the officer had committed no crime when he killed Mr. Brown. On Monday, the announcement that there was no indictment set off violent protests, burning and looting throughout the beleaguered St. Louis suburb of Ferguson.

Most grand jury proceedings are swift and simple: a few witnesses are called, the prosecutor makes the case for an indictment and the jurors vote.

But the grand jury in the Wilson case met for an extraordinarily long session, hearing what the prosecutor said was “absolutely everything” that could be considered testimony or evidence in the case. While what happens in the grand jury room is almost always kept secret, Mr. McCulloch insisted on making the transcripts of the proceedings available to the public immediately after the session concluded. Unlike most defendants, Officer Wilson testified before the grand jury.

The grand jurors in the Wilson case met in a St. Louis County courthouse on 25 separate days. They heard 70 hours of testimony from roughly 60 witnesses. And they confronted a jumble of forensics reports, police radio logs, medical documents and tapes of F. B. I interviews with bystanders.

After three months of hearing evidence, the grand jury began its deliberations last Friday at 3:04 p.m. By midday on Monday, they were finished.

Though the encounter between Officer Wilson and Mr. Brown took place in a matter of minutes, eyewitness testimony revealed an infinite array of subtle but crucial variations. Witness after witness took the stand to describe the same two minutes and agreeing on the broadest strokes: how it began with the struggle at the window and the first shots, and ended with Dorian Johnson, who had been walking with Mr. Brown, shouting “they killed him” and crowds descending on the scene.

Many witnesses first began to pay attention while the two were wrestling at the car window, though they often said they could not see enough to know what was going on. But even when the confrontation broke out into the open, the accounts diverged.

“I see the officer running behind shooting,” said one witness.

“When he gets out the car he immediately starts to shoot,” said another.

“Let me stop you,” still another said. “He did not take off running after Michael.”

Testimony about the critical final moments – when Mr. Brown stopped running, turned and moved back toward Officer Wilson – lay along a spectrum.

Some hewed closer to Officer Wilson’s recollection. “I could say for sure he never put his hands up,” said one witness, a man who was working in the area and did not live there, and whose recollection most strongly bolstered Officer Wilson’s case. “He ran to the officer full charge.”

Others spoke just as confidently that events unfolded in a completely different way.

“Yes I personally saw him on his knees with his hands in the air,” one witness said in a recorded interview with federal officials that was played for the grand jury before he testified. The prosecutor questioning that witness did not hide her skepticism of his story, highlighting contradictions in his various accounts.

“Basically just about everything that you said on Aug. 13, and much of what you said today isn’t consistent with the physical evidence that we have in this case, O.K.,” she said to him.

Prosecutors did not seem to shy from pointing out discrepancies between multiple interviews of a single witness, or even at some points exploring the past criminal history of some witnesses, including Mr. Johnson, Mr. Brown’s friend. Several witnesses were asked if they felt pressure to conform to a certain story line, or if they felt fear if their recollections differed from the popular narrative. Some did acknowledge such fears, with one talking of losing 15 pounds from stress.

An older man in the nearby housing complex was blunt about what he saw happening.

“You have to understand the mentality of some of these young guys,” he said, describing those who flocked to the scene in the immediate aftermath of the shooting. “They have nothing to do. If they can latch onto something, they embellish it because they want something to do.”

That man dismissed the notion that Mr. Brown had raised his hands to the sky in a gesture that turned into a symbol for the protest movement in Ferguson. He was also adamant, however, that Mr. Brown had never charged at Officer Wilson but had staggered, wounded, his arms outstretched in a gesture of surrender.

“He had his hands up, palm facing the officer like, ‘O.K., you got me,’ ” the man recalled, adding at a later point that he himself had once been shot so he knew what it was like. The prosecutor pointed out that the distance Mr. Brown covered after turning was farther than the witness remembered, and a grand juror questioned whether he could really judge how menacing Mr. Brown appeared to Officer Wilson.

Still this man’s testimony was like that of several others, in that it neither matched up perfectly with Officer Wilson’s account nor with the accounts of those most sympathetic to Mr. Brown. Many witnesses expressed puzzlement at the moment when Mr. Brown stopped and turned — "That is something I wrestle with to this day,” one said. Some recalled shouting out to him at that moment or turning to their family members in horror. When Mr. Brown moved toward Officer Wilson, one witness said, he “just went forward like his body was just going down.”

As the weeks went by, the grand jury studied the brief encounter between Officer Wilson and Mr. Brown from seemingly every possible angle, hearing forensic testimony on one day, on another going as a group to examine a police vehicle similar to Officer Wilson’s. On Nov. 11, the prosecutors questioned a former superior of Officer Wilson’s in another police force, asking about his relationship with the African-American community as well as the standard police practices governing the use of deadly force (the witness had nothing but positive things to say about Officer Wilson).

Much of the forensic evidence, along with public and private autopsy reports, supported the narrative that Officer Wilson and Mr. Brown had struggled inside the police car.

A crime scene investigator described swabbing Wilson’s gun with a Q-tip; the subsequent D.N.A. report found Mr. Brown’s genetic material on Officer Wilson’s Sig Sauer pistol. Similarly, D.N.A. from Mr. Brown was also found on the officer’s uniform pants and shirt.In his own testimony, Officer Wilson told jurors that Mr. Brown had grabbed the gun while the two scuffled at the car. The gun went off twice, once striking Mr. Brown in the hand and leaving blood splattered inside the vehicle.

The medical examiner who performed the initial autopsy showed the grand jury close to 100 gruesome photos of the wounds from every angle, giving exhaustive descriptions and lessons in the physics of gunshot wounds.

He described the soot, or unburned gunpowder, on a graze wound on Brown’s hand, proof that it was shot at a range of 6 to 9 inches.

Over the months, the grand jurors seemed to focus intently on the final movement Mr. Brown may have made toward Officer Wilson. The prosecutor asked witness after witness if it looked as if Mr. Brown were reaching for a weapon, though few said they saw anything like that.

Grand jurors asked if Mr. Brown, when he was moving toward Officer Wilson, seemed to have “any kind of expression, a blank look, aggressive look or anything”? They also had seemingly come to memorize the distances and challenged witnesses on their memories of the geography of the confrontation.

Forensic evidence was also presented that supported Officer Wilson’s statement that Mr. Brown was moving toward him as he opened fire outside the car, and continued to approach the officer after being hit by an initial volley of bullets.

The distance from the front wheel of the officer’s SUV to Mr. Brown’s body was 153 feet, 9 inches, an investigator said. Farther away from the car, the investigator showed with photographs, were two blood-spatter patterns – evidence showing that Mr. Brown was moving toward the officer, and the car, when he was killed in the second flurry of shots.

The medical examiner described the succession of bullet wounds to the chest and face that, in his view, would not have immediately incapacitated Mr. Brown. The prosecutors repeatedly questioned the doctor about this, driving home that Mr. Brown could have still been mobile after the initial several shots.

They seemed intent on emphasizing this point, which supports Officer Wilson’s description of Brown lunging toward him despite serious wounds.

A final shot through the top of Mr. Brown’s head, the medical experts all agreed, brought him down almost instantly.

After the shooting, Officer Wilson was taken to an area hospital, where a doctor found that he had a “facial contusion,” the medical term for a bruise. He was given a prescription for an anti-inflammatory drug.

Since they were not sequestered the way trial jury sometimes are, the grand jurors were also aware of the outside pressure to reach a decision.

“I know Mr. McCulloch before has said there is a process and this is the process we have to follow,” one juror said in late September. “Is the NAACP, or these other, you know, coalitions, are they confirming what he is saying to the people of Ferguson?”

Last Friday afternoon, the jurors indicated that they were ready to begin deliberating. The two assistant St. Louis County prosecutors who had presented the case gave them information on the charges that they could possibly bring against Officer Wilson: murder, voluntary manslaughter and involuntary manslaughter.

“We were trying to give you a balanced presentation of the evidence,” said Sheila Whirley, one of the prosecutors, according to the transcripts. “So you might see us go back and forth because we were trying to keep it balanced for you, and get to the truth and hopefully that was accomplished. And I think you are going to make the right decision.”

Monica Davey contributed reporting.





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7) Fury After Ferguson


The reaction to the failure of the grand jury to indict in the shooting of an unarmed black teenager, Michael Brown, by a white police officer, Darren Wilson, touched something deep and ancient and anguished in the black community.

Yes, on one level, the reaction was about the particulars of this case.

It was about whether Wilson’s use of force was appropriate or excessive that summer day when he fired a shot through Brown’s head and ended his life.

It was about whether police officers’ attitudes towards the people they serve are tainted. Why was Wilson’s description of Brown in his testimony so laced with dehumanizing rhetoric, the superhuman predator and subhuman evil, “Hulk Hogan” and the “demon”?

It was about whether the prosecutor performed his role well or woefully inadequately in pursuit of an indictment. Why did he take this course of action? Why didn’t he aggressively question Wilson when Wilson presented testimony before the grand jury? Why did he sound eerily like a defense attorney when announcing the results?

And yet the reaction was also about more than Wilson and Brown. It was about faith in fundamental fairness. It was about whether a population of people with an already tenuous relationship with the justice system — a system not established to recognize them, a system used for generations to deny and subjugate them, a system still rife with imbalances toward them — would have their fragile and fraying faith in that system further shredded.

As President Obama put it: “The fact is, in too many parts of this country, a deep distrust exists between law enforcement and communities of color. Some of this is the result of the legacy of racial discrimination in this country.”

He continued, “There are still problems and communities of color aren’t just making these problems up.”

No, they are not. An October analysis by ProPublica of police shootings from 2010 to 2012 found that young black males are 21 times more likely to be shot dead by police officers than their white counterparts.

And yet, people like the former New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani want to blame the victims. On “Meet the Press,” he dodged the issue of white police forces policing black populations, and raised another: intra-racial murder statistics in the black community. After proclaiming that “93 percent of blacks are killed by other blacks,” he asked a fellow panelist, Michael Eric Dyson, a black Georgetown University professor, “why don’t you cut it down so so many white police officers don’t have to be in black areas?”

Classic blame-the-victims deflection and context-free spouting of facts. What Giuliani failed to mention, what most people who pay attention to murder statistics understand, is that murder is for the most part a crime of intimacy. People kill people close to them. Most blacks are killed by other blacks, and most whites are killed by other whites.

In fact, it is so intimate that one study has found that people likely to be involved in murder cases can be predicted by their social networks. A Yale study last year examining “police and gun homicide records from 2006 to 2011 for residents living within a six-square-mile area that had some of the highest rates for homicide in Chicago” found that “6% of the population was involved in 70% of the murders, and that nearly all of those in the 6% already had some contact with the criminal justice or public health systems.”

As a co-author of the study put it, the relationship among killers and those killed was like a virus: “It’s not unlike needle sharing or unprotected sex in the spread of H.I.V.”

So, what are we saying to the vast majority that are not involved: that they must accept the unconscionable racial imbalance in the police shooting numbers as some sort of collateral damage in a war on crime? No!

It’s an unfathomable, utterly immoral argument, and let’s not give Giuliani a pass for making it. After all, New York’s obscenely race-biased stop-and-frisk program was introduced under Giuliani, and some of the most notorious police violations of black men in recent history happened on his watch. As The New York Times recounted in a lengthy 2001 profile:

“In the summer of 1997, a police officer brutalized a Haitian immigrant named Abner Louima in a bathroom of a Brooklyn station house. In the winter of 1999, four members of the Police Department’s Street Crime Unit, searching the Bronx streets for a rapist, shot and killed an unarmed African immigrant named Amadou Diallo; they had mistaken his wallet for a gun. And in the winter of 2000, just as Mr. Giuliani was gearing up his candidacy for the United States Senate, an undercover officer shot and killed an unarmed black security guard named Patrick Dorismond after a brief struggle in Midtown; the victim had been offended by the undercover officer’s inquiries about buying some drugs.”

Also, race is not the best lens through which to consider criminality. Concentrated poverty may be a better lens. According to a July Brookings report:

“Poor individuals and families are not evenly distributed across communities or throughout the country. Instead, they tend to live near one another, clustering in certain neighborhoods and regions. This concentration of poverty results in higher crime rates, underperforming public schools, poor housing and health conditions, as well as limited access to private services and job opportunities.”If we are serious about fighting crime, we must seriously consider the reason— on both an individual and systemic level — these pockets of concentrated poverty developed, are maintained, and have in fact grown and spread.

But this is not about Giuliani and the police aggression apologists. This is about whether black boys and men, as well as the people who love them, must fear both the criminal and the cop.

Sadly, for many, the Ferguson case reaffirmed a most unsettling sense that they are under siege from all sides.

So people took to the streets. Who could really blame them?

Some simply saw protests marred by senseless violence. I saw that, to be sure, and my heart hurt seeing it. But I also saw decades, generations, centuries of pain and frustration erupting once more into view. I saw hearts crying and souls demanding to be heard, to be seen, to be valued.

The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. once said, “A riot is the language of the unheard.” King, a great champion of nonviolence, wasn’t advocating rioting, but rather honoring hearing.

Even long-suffering people will not suffer forever. Patience expires. The heart can be broken only so many times before peace is broken. And the absence of peace doesn’t predicate the presence of violence. It does, however, demand the troubling of the comfortable. When the voice goes unheard, sometimes it must be raised. Sometimes when calls for justice go unmet, feet must meet pavement. Sometimes when you are unseen, you can no longer remain seated. Sometimes you must stand and make a stand.

No one of good character and conscience condones rioting or looting or any destruction of property. Those enterprises aren’t only criminal, they’re fruitless and counterproductive and rob one’s own neighborhood of needed services and facilities and unfairly punish the people who saw fit to follow a dream and an entrepreneurial spirit, and invest in themselves and those communities in the first place.

But people absolutely have a right to their feelings — including anger and frustration. Only the energies must be channeled into productive efforts aimed at delivering the changes desired. That is the hard work. That is where stamina is required. That is where the long game is played.

As the old Negro spiritual proclaims: “Walk together children/Don’t you get weary/Oh, talk together children/Don’t you get weary.”

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8) Mass Imprisonment and Public Health
By


When public health authorities talk about an epidemic, they are referring to a disease that can spread rapidly throughout a population, like the flu or tuberculosis.

But researchers are increasingly finding the term useful in understanding another destructive, and distinctly American, phenomenon — mass incarceration. This four-decade binge poses one of the greatest public health challenges of modern times, concludes a new report released last week by the Vera Institute of Justice.

For many obvious reasons, people in prison are among the unhealthiest members of society. Most come from impoverished communities where chronic and infectious diseases, drug abuse and other physical and mental stressors are present at much higher rates than in the general population. Health care in those communities also tends to be poor or nonexistent.

The experience of being locked up — which often involves dangerous overcrowding and inconsistent or inadequate health care — exacerbates these problems, or creates new ones. Worse, the criminal justice system has to absorb more of the mentally ill and the addicted. The collapse of institutional psychiatric care and the surge of punitive drug laws have sent millions of people to prison, where they rarely if ever get the care they need. Severe mental illness is two to four times as common in prison as on the outside, while more than two-thirds of inmates have a substance abuse problem, compared with about 9 percent of the general public.

Common prison-management tactics can also turn even relatively healthy inmates against themselves. Studies have found that people held in solitary confinement are up to seven times more likely than other inmates to harm themselves or attempt suicide.

The report also highlights the “contagious” health effects of incarceration on the already unstable communities most of the 700,000 inmates released each year will return to. When swaths of young, mostly minority men are put behind bars, families are ripped apart, children grow up fatherless, and poverty and homelessness increase. Today 2.7 million children have a parent in prison, which increases their own risk of incarceration down the road.

If this epidemic is going to be stopped, the report finds, public health and criminal justice systems must communicate effectively with one another. That requires comprehensive electronic health records that can be shared among agencies, increasing the likelihood that those who leave prison with health problems will not fall through the cracks.

Better health outcomes also depend on giving newly released inmates a real chance to find jobs and housing. The report calls for the end of laws that keep punishing people after they have been released from prison, like denying public housing and food stamps to those with drug felony convictions.

Finally, the Affordable Care Act — which provides more coverage for mental illness and substance abuse, and expanded Medicaid for childless adults — is a big step in the right direction.

Like any epidemic, mass incarceration must be tackled at many different levels. It is an opportune time for such an approach, as states around the country are thinking more broadly, pulling back on harsh sentencing laws and focusing more on alternatives to incarceration. But the moment may not last long. Public health professionals should seize a unique opportunity to help guide criminal justice reform while they have the chance.


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9) Video Shows Cleveland Officer Shot Boy in 2 Seconds
By

A police officer who shot and killed a 12-year-old boy outside a Cleveland recreation center fired within two seconds after the patrol car he was riding in pulled up next to the boy, a video released on Wednesday by the Cleveland police showed.

The video, which was made public at the request of the boy’s family, showed the boy, Tamir Rice, walking in the park pointing what resembled a weapon on Saturday before the officer fatally shot him. The police said the officer yelled at Tamir three times to show his hands, but the boy instead reached to his waistband for the object, which turned out to be a fake gun.The death of Tamir came two days before a St. Louis County grand jury decided not to indict a white officer in the shooting of an unarmed black teenager in Ferguson, Mo. People have rallied in Cleveland to protest both Tamir’s shooting and the grand jury’s decision. At a news conference, the police released the grainy video from a security camera at the recreation center and audio from a dispatch call asking the police to respond to the park. The Cuyahoga County Prosecutor’s office will present evidence from the police to a grand jury, which will decide whether to bring charges against the officer.

“This is not an effort to exonerate,” Deputy Chief Edward Tomba of the Cleveland Police Department said of the video at a news conference on Wednesday. “It’s not an effort to show the public that anybody did anything wrong. This is an obvious tragic event where a young member of our community lost their life. We’ve got two officers that were out there protecting the public that just had to, you know, do something that nobody wants to do.”

The police also released the names of the two officers involved in the shooting, who have been placed on administrative leave. Timothy Loehmann, 26, the officer who shot the boy, was appointed to the force in March. The officer who was driving the police car, Frank Garmback, 46, had been with the department since 2008.

The boy’s parents, Samaria Rice and Leonard Warner, said they believed the video showed that the situation could have been avoided and that “Tamir should still be here with us.” “The video shows one thing distinctly: the police officers reacted quickly,” they said. They asked for residents to protest “peacefully and responsibly” and asked the police and prosecutors to thoroughly examine the shooting.

In a 911 call released by the police, the caller says that “a guy” who appeared to be a juvenile was pointing a pistol at people and scaring them, noting twice that the gun was “probably fake.” On Wednesday, the police released dispatch calls showing that the officers were not told that the gun might not be real. The police later identified it as an “airsoft” replica gun resembling a semiautomatic pistol.



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10) Activists Help Pay for Patients’ Travel to Shrinking Number of Abortion Clinics
By

AUSTIN, Tex. — The young woman lived in Dallas, 650 miles from Albuquerque, but that was where she would have to go for an abortion, she was told. New state regulations had forced several of Dallas’s six abortion clinics to close, creating weekslong waiting lists. By the time the woman could get in, she would be up against the Texas ban on abortions after 20 weeks’ gestation.

But she could not afford the trip to New Mexico.

So it was that she had left a phone message with a hotline in Austin and, on a recent evening, heard back from Lenzi Sheible, the 20-year-old founder of a fund to help low-income women pay the unexpected costs of traveling for abortions in Texas — or to states beyond. They spoke four times that night as the woman wavered about going to Albuquerque alone.

“You can always call me when you get to New Mexico; just talk to me,” Ms. Sheible said. By the end of the evening, she had texted the woman confirmation numbers for a flight the next day, $680 round trip, and four nights’ stay at an Albuquerque hotel, with shuttle service to the clinic.

Like an entrepreneur meeting a new market demand, Ms. Sheible, among others, has stepped up as women are finding it increasingly difficult to get abortions across large areas of the United States. In just over three years, according to the Guttmacher Institute, states have passed 231 laws restricting abortion, more than any time in the four decades since the Supreme Court established a constitutional right to abortion in Roe v. Wade.

Although longtime groups like Planned Parenthood remain active, and other organizations subsidize poor women’s costs for abortion procedures, Ms. Sheible is filling what she calls a new need in Texas for help with lodging and transportation — bus or plane tickets, gas money, taxi fare.

“The entire western half of Texas is an abortion clinic desert,” Ms. Sheible wrote on the website of the nonprofit organization, Fund Texas Choice, that she started 15 months ago.

To Kimberly I. McGuire, a director at the National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health, groups like Ms. Sheible’s are crucial. “It’s a reaction to a sense of desperation across the country as more clinics close, as more communities are left without providers,” especially communities of low-income minority and rural women, she said.

Ms. Sheible, now pregnant with her second child, quickly drew the attention of the anti-abortion movement in the state. Texas Right to Life published an article in April that compared her fund “to trains that brought Jews to Auschwitz.” She occasionally gets voice mail messages like one last month: “You’re really not about helping women; you’re about killing children.”

Her own past is as rough as that of any of the women she helps. Born to a troubled woman who gave her up at age 7 to married friends — Ms. Sheible does not know her biological father — she spent a month of her senior year in a drug rehabilitation center. But she graduated as valedictorian, with enough academic credits to get through the University of Texas in two years. She now attends its law school.

“Lenzi is one of the most brilliant kids I’ve ever taught,” said Erik Ostergren, her dean at Westside High School. “We’d always say, ‘Lenzi could go in one of two directions: She could do something amazing and be fantastic, or really go off the rails.’ ”

In summer 2013, Ms. Sheible, then pregnant with her first child, Cora, started her fund immediately after Texas enacted some of the toughest abortion restrictions in the nation. The laws, both in Texas and in other Republican-dominated states, commonly impose at least a 24-hour wait between a woman’s first clinic visit and an abortion, forcing many out-of-towners to book hotels. They require abortion providers to have admitting privileges at nearby hospitals, and mandate that clinics meet the same costly equipment, building and staffing standards as an ambulatory surgical center. Clinics that cannot comply must close.

Supporters say the laws protect women’s health in case of emergencies. Abortion-rights advocates counter that the regulations are not only unnecessary, given the safety record of abortions and the availability of emergency room care, but also unconstitutional because of a Supreme Court ruling against “undue burdens” on women seeking abortions.

More such laws are expected, however, now that Republicans expanded their control of state and federal offices in this month’s elections. The next Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, wants to make a ban on abortions after 20 weeks the law of the land.

Given legal challenges to the laws in states including Alabama, Mississippi, Ohio, Texas and Wisconsin, both sides say the Supreme Court will have to settle the matter. In the meantime, numerous clinics have closed from Arizona to North Carolina, with more closings likely. Ohio is down to eight clinics from 14, and three more are in jeopardy. Only temporary court orders have kept open the last clinic in Toledo, as well as in Mississippi.

But in few places have the changes and effects been as drastic as in sprawling Texas. From 42 abortion clinics in 13 cities in May 2013, the state now has about 20 clinics and soon may be down to eight providers in four metropolitan areas — Austin, Dallas-Fort Worth, Houston and San Antonio, according to Naral Pro-Choice Texas — assuming, as many do, that advocates lose their appeal before the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit.

Pending the outcome, the Supreme Court last month stayed the surgery-center standards and also allowed clinics in El Paso and McAllen, distant points on the Rio Grande border, to operate without admitting privileges.

Ms. Sheible’s fund now has a seven-member board that includes her husband, Warren Sheible. In January, the group will have its first paid staff member. In just over a year, she said, the fund received about $60,000, mostly in small amounts, and has spent about $25,000 to help 106 women statewide.

Ms. Sheible estimated that roughly a quarter of the women she helps do not make the trips, usually because the women change their minds or cannot arrange child care or a ride to a bus station or airport. Ms. Sheible quickly learned to buy only refundable tickets. (The pregnant woman from Dallas did fly to Albuquerque, Ms. Sheible said, but after a 12-hour delay because of a canceled flight, which forced the clinic to reschedule her appointment to the next day.)

Over an evening in her sparsely furnished apartment, where she sipped soda to ease nausea from her pregnancy, Ms. Sheible expressed some surprise that running a nonprofit group has turned her from a self-described wild child into someone “super-conventional.” But four tattoos and a fifth that is not visible still suggest otherwise.

Down one arm is the Transco Tower in Houston, a symbol of the city where Ms. Sheible was born. On her left arm is the University of Texas Tower. The hidden tattoo, inside her lower lip, says “babygirl” — a nickname from a family that took her in during her senior year in high school, after her adoptive parents kicked her out and before she went into rehab. Her adoptive father paid for her treatment.

Heather Busby, executive director of Naral Pro-Choice Texas, said that when she speaks before audiences of older abortion rights advocates — “the pre-Roe generation,” she calls them — “They ask, ‘Where are the younger people? Why aren’t they getting involved?’ ” With women like Ms. Sheible in mind, she said she tells them, “Look at the abortion funds. That’s where they are.”


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11) Greeks Go On Strike Over New Austerity Measures
By NIKI KITSANTONIS

ATHENS — Thousands of Greeks walked off the job on Thursday in a general strike to protest further austerity measures, while government officials wrangled with the country’s international creditors over economic policy and whether to extend Greece’s financial bailout.

The 24-hour walkout, the first general strike since April, shut down public services, forced the cancellation of hundreds of flights and disrupted public transportation across the country.

At issue are proposed civil service layoffs and pension-system changes that the international creditors, known as the troika, have demanded. The European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund have bailed Greece out financially twice since 2010, providing a total of 240 billion euros ($300 billion) in loans to help the country cope with its immense debts. In return, they have insisted that Greece impose strict fiscal discipline, including deep spending cuts and tax increases.Household incomes have since fallen by one-third and unemployment is running at 26 percent, while the country’s debt burden remains proportionally the highest of any country using the euro currency.

When Greece unveiled a draft 2015 budget last month that included proposals to ease the economic pain and stimulate the economy with a range of tax cuts, the government appeared to be riding a wave of popular opposition to austerity, which Germany has championed for all of Europe’s struggling economies. Popular protests against austerity policies have been seen in France, Italy, Spain and other countries, and government leaders have begun to push back against the European Union’s fiscal rules.

But as the international lenders took a hard line in recent talks with Athens, a sense has grown among Greeks that their country is being punished, and that Greece is being held to tight restrictions while countries like France and Italy were allowed to adopt 2015 budgets that bend or break the rules.

The European part of Greece’s bailout program is currently set to expire Dec. 31, and the monetary fund’s part in March 2016. At the Greek government’s request, face-to-face negotiations between Greek officials and the creditors over economic policy and a possible extension to the program resumed in Paris on Tuesday after a six-week hiatus. But the talks ended on Wednesday without an agreement.

To meet the creditors’ demands, Athens would have to modify some legal protections for workers and overhaul pensions as well as raising more tax revenue and suspending a program that helps financially struggling Greeks with their tax debts.

For its part, the Greek government maintains that the 2015 budget it has presented is already nearly balanced, for the first time in decades, and that further cuts are unnecessary. It bases its view in part on a forecast that the economy will grow by a solid 2.9 percent next year. A parliamentary vote on the budget is scheduled for Dec. 7.

Tensions between Greece and its creditors appeared to peak on Thursday. The country’s finance minister, Gikas Hardouvelis, told members of Parliament that the International Monetary Fund “appears indifferent to the political climate in Greece.”

He was apparently referring to growing antagonism between Prime Minister Antonis Samaras’s coalition government and the leftist Syriza party. Syriza opposes any more austerity, and said it would block a scheduled presidential election in February, a move that would almost certainly lead to an early general election that recent polls indicate the leftists would win.

The leader of Syriza, Alexis Tsipras, speaking at a protest rally in Athens on Thursday, said the crisis with the creditors “confirms in the most dramatic way that the strategy of submission and servitude to the irrational demands and desires of the troika is a dead end.”

Evangelos Venizelos, the deputy prime minister, said on Thursday that Greece’s exit from the European part of the bailout program might be delayed by “a few days or weeks” due to “technical reasons.” But he insisted that there would be “no new European program,” and that if necessary Greece could continue to draw on the monetary fund’s assistance.


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12) At Macy’s Parade, Bands, Balloons and, This Thanksgiving, Protesters
By

The usual helium-filled characters, like Snoopy and the pudgy Pillsbury Doughboy, were out in force at the Macy’s Thanksgiving Day Parade on Thursday. But this year, the parade had an edge: Pockets of protesters marched intermittently along the route, seeking to call attention to a grand jury’s decision on Monday not to indict the police officer who shot and killed Michael Brown, an unarmed black teenager in Ferguson, Mo., in August.

By midafternoon, as the balloons were deflated on Seventh Avenue, seven demonstrators had been arrested, some zip-tied by police officers as they tried to swarm a barricade into the parade route.

But the marching bands and bobbling balloons continued apace. While some people on social media were calling for an effort to halt the parade in response to the grand jury’s action, an issue that has set off demonstrations and marches across the country, for the most part the event was festive. Raw weather that seemed unable to decide whether to rain or snow seemed the most pervasive dampener, chilling the teenage “Spirit of America” dancers who rubbed their arms against the cold even as they boogied down Avenue of the Americas.

The wintry mix did not bother the four members of the Montfort family, visitors from Miami, as they bundled out of the Affinia Manhattan hotel in Midtown, eager to see their favorite float, Greg Heffley from “Diary of a Wimpy Kid.”

“We wanted to see that weather; we came for that,” Stephane Montfort, 42, said. “In Miami, you don’t have this feeling of Christmas. You only see it in Home Depot.”

Tiffany White, 22, had braved the weather, traveling from East Flatbush, Brooklyn, to see the parade with eight members of her extended family — nine, she corrected, pointing to Harry the Yorkshire terrier, whose head was poking out of a pocketbook. Afterward, the whole family was going ice skating at Rockefeller Center. Harry, too. “We wanted him to enjoy the festivities,” Ms. White said.

As the snow came down on the corner of Avenue of the Americas and 34th Street, cheerleaders threw padded mats onto the pavement, setting up formations of burly men who threw ponytailed girls into the air in unison. Behind them, the band Kiss tootled down the street on a black float, in its trademark makeup.

At points, the musician Gene Simmons, known for his extraordinarily long tongue and tendency to waggle it, did so at the crowd. So too did Kalu Zuniga, 3, sitting atop his father’s shoulders as the float trudged by. But he was catching snowflakes, Kalu said.

As Papa Smurf deflated at the parade’s terminus on Seventh Avenue and spectators straggled home, about two dozen protesters threaded through the crowd, followed by six police officers on motorcycles. They carried signs in honor of Michael Brown and chanted his name.

The parade was over but the protesters did not seem ready to stop, even if it meant missing Thanksgiving dinner, said a protester who gave his name as Nkozi Weusi Shakur, 30. “Mike Brown’s not at Thanksgiving dinner,” he said.


Kenneth Rosen and Ashley Southall contributed reporting.


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13) Egyptian Judges Drop All Charges Against Mubarak
By and MERNA THOMAS

CAIRO — An Egyptian court dropped all remaining charges against former President Hosni Mubarak on Saturday, raising the possibility that he could go free for the first time since being removed from office in the 2011 uprising that defined the Arab Spring revolt.

The court dismissed murder charges against Mr. Mubarak and his widely reviled security chief in the killing of protesters challenging his rule — charges that once inspired crowds to hang the former president’s effigy from the lampposts of Tahrir Square in Cairo and captivated the region.

The court also acquitted the former president on corruption charges, along with his sons and a wealthy business associate, figures who had come to personify the rampant self-dealing of Mr. Mubarak’s 30-year-rule as much as the president himself.Coming five months after the inauguration of a new military-backed strongman, President Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi, the decision amounted to the most sweeping repudiation yet of the claims of the Jan. 25, 2011, uprising that forced Mr. Mubarak from power with calls for democratic and accountable government.

“Today’s verdict indicates a very deliberate decision by the regime to continue on the path of rewriting the history that led to Mubarak’s ouster and closing the file on the Jan. 25 revolution,” said Hossam Bahgat, a journalist and human rights advocate who cheered on that revolt.

The council of generals who took power from Mr. Mubarak had feared a public backlash too much to ever allow the former president’s potential release, but Mr. Sisi’s government feels no such compunction, Mr. Bahgat said. “They are not afraid,” he said. “They are perfectly capable of letting him walk free and they feel no pressure to hold him accountable.”

Mr. Mubarak, 86, who has been held at a military hospital because of frail health, appeared in court on a stretcher in sunglasses, a blue necktie and sweater. He remained stone-faced as the chief judge, Mahmoud Kamel al-Rashidi, read the verdict, and only at the end did he allow himself a smile as his two sons, Alaa and Gamal, hugged and kissed him in celebration.

A short time later, Mr. Mubarak was photographed waving to admirers from a hospital balcony, and in a telephone interview with a supportive, pro-government talk show host the former president scoffed at an earlier court verdict that had been handed down against him. “I laughed when I heard the first verdict,” he said, and suggested that some conspiracy had been behind the 2011 uprising.

“They turned on us,” he said, and when asked if he meant “the Americans,” he replied that he could not explain over the phone. “I can’t tell you if it’s the Americans or who.”

Judge Rashidi, who led a panel of three judges, did not elaborate from the bench on their reasoning, pointing instead to a 280-page summary of their 1,340-page explanation of the case.

He insisted that the ruling “has nothing to do with politics.” He acknowledged the “feebleness” and corruption of Mr. Mubarak’s later years in power, and he lauded the rallying cry of the 2011 revolution — bread, freedom, and social justice.

But at times he sounded sympathetic to the former president as well. “To rule for or against him after he has become old will be left to history and the Judge of Judges,” he said.

He did not explain from the bench why he had dismissed the most serious charges, of responsibility for the killing of demonstrators. He acquitted Mr. Mubarak and his friend, the businessman Hussein Salem, of corruption charges involving allegations that they had conspired to sell Egyptian natural gas to Israel at below-market prices. And he acquitted Mr. Mubarak and his sons of charges that they were given vacation homes on the Red Sea as kickbacks in a land deal.

In May, Mr. Mubarak was sentenced to three years in prison in a separate corruption case, involving lavish, government-funded improvements to his and his sons’ personal homes. But he has now spent more than three years in custody on various charges, and under Egyptian law he has thus served the requisite time and could be released.

The prosecutor has the right to appeal the decision Saturday.

The first sessions of Mr. Mubarak’s trial were often rowdy and loud, with a courtroom full of human rights lawyers demanding retribution for decades of brutal autocracy as well as the dead demonstrators.

But the changed context was evident from the start. Judge Rashidi warned the courtroom that anyone who interrupted his reading of the decision would be sentenced to a year in jail, and the room stayed obediently quiet.

And instead of human rights lawyers, the courtroom was packed with Mubarak supporters, and as soon as the judge finished the room erupted in jubilation.

Commentators in the state-run and pro-government media suggested that it was time to move on from the difficult period of the 2011 revolution and its aftermath. “We have to turn this page, and the long state of argument that has lasted for years,” Dalia Ziada, director of the Liberal Democracy Institute and a supporter of Mr. Sisi, said in an interview.

But with Mr. Mubarak no longer on trial, she also suggested that it might be time to explore some of the theories of Mubarak supporters that the demonstrators had been shot by Islamists from the Muslim Brotherhood. The Brotherhood dominated Egypt’s free elections but has been outlawed and suppressed under Mr. Sisi, and the pro-government media has sometimes floated improbable scenarios in which the Brotherhood was both participating in the demonstrations and shooting at the demonstrators.

“Who killed the protesters?,” she asked, suggesting that investigators examine “all sides accused, even those that were maybe not present in today’s case — for example, the Muslim Brotherhood.”

Legal experts said the ultimate outcome of the case had been increasingly clear, in part because of a flawed prosecution. Prosecutors originally appointed by Mr. Mubarak had rushed the charges to court in the months after his ouster Sto appease ferocious public demands for retribution.

But the murder charges were difficult to prove because of the many layers in the Egyptian military’s chain of command and the broad latitude for self-defense often given to the police. Lawyers for victims often complained that security forces were withholding evidence or refusing to cooperate.

The corruption charges appeared to have been thrown together hastily, without a thorough review of the many other allegations related to Mr. Mubarak’s rule.

Mr. Mubarak first faced the same charges in a trial that ended in 2012, while the transitional council of military generals was still in power. Evidently bowing to political pressure, that judge sentenced Mr. Mubarak to life in prison for the killings of the protesters but simultaneously acknowledged a lack of evidence. He acquitted everyone below Mr. Mubarak in the chain of command within the security forces, and threw out the corruption charges on technical grounds.

An appellate court threw out the verdict and ordered the retrial that resulted in Saturday’s verdict.

“The judges were basically collaborating with Mubarak from the first scene,” said Khaled Ali, a human rights lawyer and former presidential candidate. “It was not a trial, just a game they are playing with the people, to relieve them and then enslave them again.”

The political climate now, however, is starkly different. Some portion of the public may be nostalgic for the relative stability of the Mubarak era after three years of tumult, and those who disagree have far less room for public dissent.

Mr. Sisi, the former general who last year led the military takeover that ousted Egypt’s elected Islamist government, has consolidated power and surrounded himself with former Mubarak advisers.

State-run and pro-government media now routinely denounce the pro-democracy activists who led the 2011 uprising as a “fifth column” out to undermine the state. Some of the most prominent activists are in prison, and the Islamists who dominated the elections are now jailed as terrorists.

Mohamed Morsi, the deposed president and a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, is now facing several trials in the same courtroom on various charges, some of which could carry the death penalty.

Many of the most widely despised figures of the Mubarak era, such as Ahmed Ezz, the ruling party power broker and business tycoon, have already been released from incarceration on charges brought against them in 2011 in the heat of the uprising.



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14) Protesters United Against Ferguson Decision, but Challenged in Unity
By

FERGUSON, Mo. — Demonstrators forced the temporary closing of the St. Louis Galleria mall after staging a mass “die-in” on Friday afternoon, lying on the floor for four and a half minutes of silence to represent the hours that Michael Brown was left on the street after a police officer shot him dead.

In Oakland, Calif., a group of people protesting a grand jury’s decision not to indict the officer chained themselves to a train at a Bay Area Rapid Transit station, forcing officials to close the station and causing delays across the system.

And in San Francisco, Chicago, New York and Seattle, hundreds of demonstrators flocked to the streets and retail locations with chants like, “If we don’t get no justice, they don’t get no profits,” to disrupt Black Friday shopping in the hopes of highlighting issues of race, class and law enforcement that they believe the Brown case laid bare.Waves of protests have popped up across the country after it was announced this week that a grand jury would not charge Officer Darren Wilson in the killing of Mr. Brown, who was 18 and unarmed. But it is far from clear whether such actions will build into anything that brings a sustained social movement.

Groups are divided by aim and by geography, with goals of justice for Mr. Brown or an end to lethal police force against minorities, but the path for achieving them is neither clear nor easy.

Certainly there is an array of new coalitions with names like Lost Voices and Tribe X, and across the country this week there were calls to hold police departments accountable and increase social media organizing campaigns. Many of the demonstrations had a distinctly local flavor.

In Durham, N.C., for example, protesters gathered in a plaza where in September 2013 the police shot and killed Derek Walker, 26, a black man who was publicly brandishing a gun, apparently intending to use it on himself after losing a custody fight.

“The last time I was standing in this square, every one of us was tear gassed, including my daughter,” Serena Sebring, a field organizer with the activist group Southerners on New Ground told the crowd, to shouts of affirmation. She called on those attending to take the fight to city government, including running for five soon-to-be-vacant seats on a police civilian review board.

But here in Ferguson, where Mr. Brown’s killing sparked a broad outcry, the challenges of creating a movement out of students and anarchists, established civil rights leaders and digital networkers, and the angry and dispossessed were clear. Groups had planned for weeks how to maintain what they called militant but nonviolent protests if Officer Wilson was not indicted.

Yet the demonstrations quickly turned destructive, with stores set aflame and looted on the night of the grand jury’s decision not to indict him was announced.

The violence fulfilled the worst fears of Patricia Bynes, a Democratic committeewoman here. Until recently, she was one of the people standing between the police line and the protesters, urging calm on both sides. After the August shooting, she used to try to broker deals for the demonstrators on the front lines. She has since pulled back, saying that lawless actors have hurt the peaceful movement.

She became turned off, she said, several weeks ago after she called out several activists at a protest planning meeting who she said attacked a young man they accused of live-streaming the private session. At a protest a few days later, several members of the group she had criticized surrounded her and threatened her, she said. Only four people came to her defense when they circled her, she said.

“If we can’t stand up to the punks and the hoodlums who are giving the protest a bad name, you’re not ready to stand up to the police,” said Ms. Bynes, 35. “You throw a rock and hide behind a peaceful crowd, you’re a coward.”

Ms. Bynes has urged peaceful protesters to avoid the evening demonstrations because they became too dangerous, and to instead focus on other ways to effect change. She has started a petition for a performance audit of the City of Ferguson. She said she planned to be active in campaigning for the next Ferguson municipal elections next year. And she hoped to push more people to become active in their city and county councils.

“If they’ve been doing the same tactics for 100 days and absolutely nothing has changed, you’ve got to change the tactics,” she said, reflecting on the near nightly protests that have taken place here since Mr. Brown was killed on Aug. 9.

Part of the challenge for activists here and across the country is whether they can or want to agree on a concrete agenda, whether it be civilian review boards for police, or special prosecutors, or a push for more minority police officers.

Getting there will also require bridging generational and tactical divides, activists said.

On the one hand, a new crop of young activist groups has brought energy and attention since Mr. Brown’s killing. On the other hand, it is the older, more established civil rights leadership that has the resources and knowledge of how to push concrete measures. Yet some of the younger activists remain skeptical of their older counterparts and of participating in traditional politics. There also remain questions of how militant or peaceful the groups want to be.

“It’s been a little disjointed,” said Alisha Sonnier, 19, the president of Tribe X, a youth activist group in the St. Louis region that formed after Mr. Brown’s death. “At the end of the day all of us are dealing with similar feelings and similar emotions. There’s a disjointment in how we feel we should go about it.”

On Friday afternoon, Ms. Sonnier’s organization led about 100 protesters through the Galleria in suburban Richmond Heights. They chanted and sang for about an hour, adjusting their slogans and lyrics to fit the moment (“Hands up! Don’t shop!” for instance, and “No true bill set our soul on fire,” sung to the tune of “chestnuts roasting on an open fire” from “The Christmas Song.”) Dozens of police and security personnel trailed the protesters but did not make any arrests. Several stores closed before the management eventually closed the entire mall. Similar protests led to closings at two other area malls later Friday.“One of the few ways to be heard and have people listen to you is to have an economic impact,” Ms. Sonnier said. “If you want to really affect people, especially those who are in power, you got to hit their pocket. We as a people cannot allow people to keep making money and a business to go on, and we can’t even get justice when our people die.”

The Rev. Al Sharpton, who was planning to start a countdown to a decision by the grand jury in New York that is looking into the case of Eric Garner, 43, who died after being placed in a chokehold while the police attempted to arrest him for allegedly selling cigarettes illegally on July 17, said he had learned a lesson from the Trayvon Martin case.

After George Zimmerman was acquitted in the shooting death of the unarmed Florida teenager, Mr. Sharpton said, his organization left it to local groups to fight to overturn the state’s so-called Stand Your Ground self-defense law. But those efforts faded.

“We’re working with a lot of the young groups in Ferguson,” Mr. Sharpton said. “We’re not letting it now just dissipate into groups that will not be there in 30, 90 days. It has to be connected to a broader agenda.”

Mr. Sharpton said groups would be pushing for the creation of national guidelines by the Justice Department for investigating officers when they use deadly force, which would be a mechanism to take investigations of police shootings out of the hands of local prosecutors who are close to the departments.

The N.A.A.C.P. was planning to start a 120-mile seven-day march from Ferguson to the Missouri capital, Jefferson City, on Saturday.

But so far the nighttime protests in Ferguson have mostly been spontaneous, angry standoffs in front of the police station, with demonstrators shouting at the officers.

Older leaders needed to give the young ones room to vent and be angry, and carefully go about supporting their cause in a way that does not lecture them, said Michael McPhearson, co-chairman of the Don’t Shoot Coalition and executive director of Veterans for Peace.

“It’s a matter of supporting what they’re doing, instead of trying to mold it,” he said.


Mitch Smith contributed reporting from Richmond Heights, Mo., and Jonathan M. Katz from Durham, N.C.




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15) In New York Public Housing, Policing Broken Lights
By

Four days before a grand jury refused to indict the white police officer who shot and killed Michael Brown during an encounter in Ferguson, Mo., in August, Akai Gurley, an unarmed 28-year-old man, died as a result of a law-enforcement bullet in the Louis H. Pink Houses in East New York, in Brooklyn.

Mr. Gurley, followed by his girlfriend, was heading down the stairs, having given up on an interminably slow elevator, when he fell into the path of Peter Liang, a rookie police officer of roughly the same age. Mr. Liang was conducting what is known in Police Department vernacular as a “vertical,” a descending check of rooftops, stairwells and halls in public housing to ensure that criminals aren’t conspiring there.Though Police Commissioner William J. Bratton was quick to call the shooting an accident — and quick to acknowledge the victim as “a total innocent” — it will be left to an investigation to reveal precisely what happened. What we do know is that when the two men entered it, the stairway was pitch black; a light meant to illuminate it had long been inoperative.

Tragedies resulting from the impulsive miscalculations and failures of preventive policing — the death of Eric Garner, suspected of selling cigarettes illegally, from a chokehold on Staten Island is another recent and horrific example — often lead to criticisms and reassessments of the “broken windows” theory, the idea that small-scale disorder must be combated to foreclose the possibility of greater menace and disruption.

One of the issues raised by Mr. Gurley’s death isn’t necessarily that “broken windows” has gone too far, the common refrain, but rather that in certain instances its most literal message has been fatally misunderstood or ignored.

We have come to think of “broken windows” in terms of the need to make arrests for minor offenses, the imperative to get rid of squeegee men and other avatars of nuisance. But at the heart of the philosophy is the notion that ruined things — broken windows, cracked sidewalks, littered pathways and so on — must get fixed. If glass is left shattered, for instance, rather than quickly replaced, vandals will break more of it. Broadly speaking, physical decay begets the moral kind; appearances must be maintained for civility to cohere.

Ironically, over the past two decades, civic leaders most in thrall to the theory have been those least eager to prioritize the problem of deterioration in the urban public housing system. In the five-year period through 2013, as New York City’s crime rate further declined or remained stable, the crime rate in public housing rose 22.5 percent. That period coincided with a long reign of neglect of the buildings of the New York City Housing Authority. In January of last year, as the end of his term approached, Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg vowed to expedite repairs, and he did, but a backlog of 420,000 had accrued.

About that time, I met a woman named Mabel Spence, a longtime resident of the Tilden Houses in Brooklyn, who told me that several years earlier, she had taken to sitting on the toilet with an umbrella because the leaks in her bathroom had become so severe. She had to go to court to ultimately get the Housing Authority to fix the damage. It was not uncommon for residents to call with problems and be told the fixes could not be made for 12 months or more.

Earlier this year, the Community Service Society, a nonprofit organization that studies poverty, released a report detailing the financial and physical decline of the city’s public housing system. Analyzing data from the Housing Vacancy Survey on complaints about leaks, cracked walls, pestilence and other issues from low-income households across the city, researchers found a pattern of escalating degeneration in public housing. In both public and private rental units, the proportion of households that reported four or more problems from 2002 to 2008 stood at 12 percent. From 2008 to 2011, however, the number of reports of what the study called “multiple deficiencies” nearly doubled in apartments belonging to the Housing Authority.In July, Mayor Bill de Blasio announced an initiative to reduce violent crime in the city’s public housing developments; his plan made a point of connecting safety to physical improvements. Although the overall crime rate in public housing is down by 5 percent during the first year of the mayor’s term, shootings have increased 16 percent. Of the $210 million committed to the initiative, which focuses on the 15 developments responsible for 20 percent of all violent crime in public housing, $122 million will be put toward maintenance and repairs, and more than $51 million toward security-enhancement measures like exterior lighting.

Bureaucracies are not known for producing 100 percent efficiency, but the de Blasio administration seems to recognize that the debate around crime-solving should not focus solely on the value of different policing styles.

Mr. Gurley’s death has renewed discussion about the efficacy of vertical patrols, a practice law enforcement finds essential and critics of aggressive policing have found problematic. As it happens, the number of these patrols conducted in public housing has decreased 20 percent this year. Some lives might ultimately be saved by the mere effort of getting on a ladder and fixing the lights.


Email: bigcity@nytimes.com



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16) Where Do We Go After Ferguson?
By MICHAEL ERIC DYSON


WASHINGTON — WHEN Ferguson flared up this week after a grand jury failed to indict the white police officer Darren Wilson for killing the unarmed black youth Michael Brown, two realities were illuminated: Black and white people rarely view race in the same way or agree about how to resolve racial conflicts, and black people have furious moral debates among ourselves out of white earshot.

These colliding worlds of racial perception are why many Americans view the world so differently, and why recent comments by President Obama and the former New York City mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani cut to the quick of black identity in America.

From the start, most African-Americans were convinced that Michael Brown’s death wouldn’t be fairly considered by Ferguson’s criminal justice system. There were doubts that the prosecution and defense were really on different teams. The prosecutor, Robert McCulloch, looked as if he were coaching an intramural scrimmage with the goal of keeping Officer Wilson from being tackled by indictment.

The trove of documents released after the grand jury’s decision included Officer Wilson’s four-hour testimony, in which the 6-foot-4-inch, 210-pound cop said that his encounter with the 6-foot-4-inch, 292-pound teenager left him feeling like “a 5-year-old holding on to Hulk Hogan.” He used the impersonal pronoun “it” when he said that Michael Brown looked like a “demon” rushing him. To the police officer and to many whites, Michael Brown was the black menace writ large, the terrorizing phantom that stalks the white imagination.

These clashing perceptions underscore the physics of race, in which an observer effect operates: The instrument through which one perceives race — one’s culture, one’s experiences, one’s fears and fantasies — alters in crucial ways what it measures.

The novelist Ann Petry vividly captured this observer effect in her 1946 novel “The Street,” in which the African-American protagonist, Lutie Johnson, remarks that racial perceptions of blacks “depended on where you sat.” She explains that if “you looked at them from inside the framework of a fat weekly salary, and you thought of colored people as naturally criminal, then you didn’t really see what any Negro looked like,” because “the Negro was never an individual” but “a threat, or an animal, or a curse.”After a black man is killed in a failed robbery, she notes that a reporter “saw a dead Negro who had attempted to hold up a store, and so he couldn’t really see what the man lying on the sidewalk looked like.” Instead, he saw “the picture he already had in his mind: a huge, brawny, blustering, ignorant, criminally disposed black man.”

Our American culture’s fearful dehumanizing of black men materialized once again when Officer Wilson saw Michael Brown as a demonic force who had to be vanquished in a hail of bullets.

IT is nearly impossible to convey the fear that strikes at the heart of black Americans every time a cop car pulls up. When I was 17, my brother and I and a childhood friend were pulled over by four Detroit cops in an unmarked police vehicle. This was in the mid-70s, in the shadow of the infamous Detroit Police Department task force called Stress (Stop the Robberies, Enjoy Safe Streets), which was initiated after the 1967 riots. The unit lived up to its name and routinely targeted black people.

As we assumed the position against the car, I announced to one of the plainclothes officers that I was reaching into my back pocket to fish the car’s registration from my wallet. He brought the butt of his gun sharply across my back and knocked me to the ground, promising, with a racial epithet, that he’d put a bullet through my head if I moved again. When I rose to my feet, cowering, showing complete deference, the officer permitted me to show the car’s registration. When the cops ran the tags, they concluded what we already knew: The car wasn’t stolen and we weren’t thieves. They sent us on without a hint of an apology.My recent dust-up with Mr. Giuliani on national television tapped a deep vein of racially charged perception. In a discussion on “Meet the Press” of Ferguson and its racial fallout, Mr. Giuliani steered the conversation down the path of a conservative shibboleth: that the real problem facing black communities is not brutality at the hands of white cops but brutality in the grips of black thugs. He cited the fact that 93 percent of black homicide victims are killed by black people; I argued that these murderers often go to jail, unlike the white cops who kill blacks with the backing of the government. What I didn’t have time to say was that 84 percent of white homicide victims are killed by white people, and yet no language of condemnation exists to frame a white-on-white malady that begs relief by violent policing.

This doesn’t mean that black people aren’t weary of death ravaging our communities. I witnessed it personally as I sat in a Detroit courtroom 25 years ago during the trial of my brother Everett for second-degree murder, and though I believe to this day that he is innocent, I watched him convicted by an all-black jury and sentenced to prison for the rest of his life.

Many whites who point to blacks killing blacks are moved less by concern for black communities than by a desire to fend off criticism of unjust white cops. They have the earnest belief that they are offering new ideas to black folk about the peril we foment in our own neighborhoods. This idea has also found a champion in Bill Cosby, who for the past decade has levied moral charges against the black poor with an ugly intensity endorsed by white critics as tough love and accepted by most black journalists as homegrown conservatism.

But Mr. Cosby’s put-downs are more pernicious than that. How could one ever defend his misogynistic indictment of black women’s lax morals and poor parenting skills? “Five, six children, same woman, eight, 10 different husbands or whatever,” he liked to recite. “Pretty soon you’re going to have to have DNA cards so you can tell who you’re making love to. You don’t know who this is; might be your grandmother.”

Journalistic mea culpas are now accompanying Mr. Cosby’s Shakespearean fall from grace. He has been recast as a leering king who is more sinner than sinned against as the allegations of drugging and raping women pile up. But these writers avoid mentioning the sexist blinders that kept them from seeing how hateful Mr. Cosby was toward black women long before he was accused of abusing mostly white women.

Bill Cosby didn’t invent the politics of respectability — the belief that good behavior and stern chiding will cure black ills and uplift black people and convince white people that we’re human and worthy of respect. But he certainly gave it a vernacular swagger that has since been polished by Barack Obama. The president has lectured black folk about our moral shortcomings before cheering audiences at college commencements and civil rights conventions. And yet his themes are shopworn and mix the innocuous and the insidious: pull your pants up, stop making racial excuses for failure, stop complaining about racism, turn off the television and the video games and study, don’t feed your kids fried chicken for breakfast, be a good father.

As big a fan as he is of respectability politics, Mr. Obama is the most eloquent reminder that they don’t work, that no matter how smart, sophisticated or upstanding one is, and no matter how much chastising black people pleases white ears, the suspicions about black identity persist. Despite his accomplishments and charisma, he is for millions the unalterable “other” of national life, the opposite of what they mean when they think of America.Barack Obama, like Michael Brown, is changed before our eyes into a monstrous thing that lacks humanity: a monkey, a cipher, a black hole that kills light. One might expect the ultimate target of this black otherness to have sympathy for its lesser targets, who also have lesser standing and lesser protection, like the people in Ferguson, in Ohio, in New York, in Florida, and all around the country, who can’t keep their unarmed children from being cut down in the street by callous cops who leave their bodies to stiffen into rigor mortis in the presence of horrified onlookers.

President Obama’s clinical approach to race was cemented after the 2009 Henry Louis Gates Jr. incident — in which the Harvard professor and the white police officer who arrested him for breaking into his own house were invited to the White House to commune over a beer — convinced him that he should talk race only when his hand was forced.

He has employed a twin strategy: the “heroic explicit,” in which he deliberately and clearly assails black moral failure and poor cultural habits, and the “noble implicit,” in which he avoids linking whites to social distress or pathology and speaks in the broadest terms possible, in grammar both tentative and tortured, about the problems we all confront. It’s an effort that hinges on false equivalencies between black and white and the mistaken identification of effect for cause.

MR. OBAMA spoke twice in the aftermath of the Ferguson grand jury’s decision. He spoke Monday night about America as a nation of laws and said that we must respect the jury’s conclusion, even if we don’t agree with it, and make progress by working together — not by throwing bottles, smashing car windows or using anger as an excuse to vandalize property or hurt anyone.

On Tuesday, the president doubled down on his indictment of “criminal acts” and declared, “I do not have any sympathy” for those who destroy “your own communities.” While he avoided saying so, it was clear that his remarks were directed at the black people who looted and rioted in Ferguson. But their criminal activity is the effect of going unrecognized by the state for decades, a crime in itself. As for the plague of white cops who kill unarmed black youth, the facts of which are tediously and sickeningly repetitive and impose a psychological tariff on black minds, the president was vague, halting and sincerely noncommittal.

Instead, he lauded the racial progress that he said he had witnessed “in my own life,” substituting his life for ours, and signaled again how his story of advancement was ours, suggesting, sadly, that the sum of our political fortunes in his presidency may be lesser than the parts of our persistent suffering. Even when he sidled up to the truth and nudged it gently — “these are real issues,” the president acknowledged — he slipped back into an emotional blandness that underplayed the searing divide, saying there was “an impression that folks have” about unjust policing and “there are issues in which the law too often feels as if it is being applied in discriminatory fashion.”

Whose impression is it, though that word hardly captures the fierce facts of the case? Who feels it? Who is the subject? Who is the recipient of the action? Mr. Obama’s treacherous balancing act between white and black, left and right, obscures who has held the power for the longest amount of time to make things the way they are. This is something, of course, he can never admit, but which nevertheless strains his words and turns an often eloquent word artist into a faltering, fumbling linguist. President Obama said that our nation was built on the rule of law. That is true, but incomplete. His life, and his career, too, are the product of broken laws: His parents would have committed a crime in most states at the time of their interracial union, and without Martin Luther King Jr. breaking what he deemed to be unjust laws, Mr. Obama wouldn’t be president today. He is the ultimate paradox: the product of a churning assault on the realm of power that he now represents.

No wonder he turns to his own body and story and life to narrate our bodies, our stories and our lives. The problem is that the ordinary black person possesses neither his protections against peril nor his triumphant trajectory that will continue long after he leaves office.

More than 45 years ago, the Kerner Commission concluded that we still lived in two societies, one white, one black, separate and still unequal. President Lyndon B. Johnson convened that commission while the flames that engulfed my native Detroit in the riot of 1967 still burned. If our president and our nation now don’t show the will and courage to speak the truth and remake the destinies of millions of beleaguered citizens, then we are doomed to watch the same sparks reignite, whenever and wherever injustice meets desperation.

Michael Eric Dyson is a professor of sociology at Georgetown and the author of a forthcoming book on President Obama and race.


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17) When Whites Just Don’t Get It, Part 5


WE Americans are a nation divided.

We feud about the fires in Ferguson, Mo., and we can agree only that racial divisions remain raw. So let’s borrow a page from South Africa and impanel a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to examine race in America.

The model should be the 9/11 commission or the Warren Commission on President Kennedy’s assassination, and it should hold televised hearings and issue a report to help us understand ourselves. Perhaps it could be led by the likes of Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush and Oprah Winfrey.

We as a nation need to grapple with race because the evidence is overwhelming that racial bias remains deeply embedded in American life. Two economists, Joseph Price and Justin Wolfers, found that white N.B.A. referees disproportionally call fouls on black players, while black refs call more fouls on white players. “These biases are sufficiently large that they affect the outcome of an appreciable number of games,” Price and Wolfers wrote.If such racial bias exists among professional referees monitored by huge television audiences, imagine what unfolds when an employer privately weighs whom to hire, or a principal decides whether to expel a disruptive student, or a policeman considers whether to pull over a driver.

This “When Whites Just Don’t Get It” series is a call for soul-searching. It’s very easy for whites to miss problems that aren’t our own; that’s a function not of being white but of being human. Three-quarters of whites have only white friends, according to one study, so we are often clueless.

What we whites notice is blacks who have “made it” — including President Obama — so we focus on progress and are oblivious to the daily humiliations that African-Americans endure when treated as second-class citizens.

“In the jewelry store, they lock the case when I walk in,” a 23-year-old black man wrote in May 1992. “In the shoe store, they help the white man who walks in after me. In the shopping mall, they follow me.”

He described an incident when he was stopped by six police officers who detained him, with guns at the ready, and treated him for 30 minutes as a dangerous suspect.

That young man was future Senator Cory Booker, who had been a senior class president at Stanford University and was a newly selected Rhodes Scholar. Yet our law enforcement system reduced him to a stereotype — so young Booker sat trembling and praying that he wouldn’t be shot by the police.

My sense is that part of the problem is well-meaning Americans who disapprove of racism yet inadvertently help perpetuate it. We aren’t racists, yet we buttress a system that acts in racist ways. It’s “racism without racists,” in the words of Eduardo Bonillo-Silva, a Duke University sociologist.

This occurs partly because of deeply embedded stereotypes that trick us, even when we want to be fair. Researchers once showed people sketches of a white man with a knife confronting an unarmed black man in the subway. In one version of the experiment, 59 percent of research subjects later reported that it had been the black man who held the knife.

I don’t know what unfolded in Ferguson between Michael Brown, a black teenager, and Darren Wilson, a white police officer. But there is a pattern: a ProPublica investigation found that young black men are shot dead by police at 21 times the rate of young white men.If you’re white, your interactions with police are more likely to have been professional and respectful, leaving you trustful. If you’re black, your encounters with cops may leave you dubious and distrustful. That’s why a Huffington Post/YouGov poll found that 64 percent of African-Americans believe that Officer Wilson should be punished, while only 22 percent of whites think so.

That’s the gulf that an American Truth and Reconciliation Commission might help bridge just a little. In 1922, a Chicago Commission on Race Relations (composed of six whites and six blacks) examined the Chicago race riots of 1919. More recently, President Clinton used an executive order to impanel an advisory board on race that focused on how to nurture “one America.”

A new commission could jump-start an overdue national conversation and also recommend evidence-based solutions to boost educational outcomes, improve family cohesion and connect people to jobs.

White Americans may protest that our racial problems are not like South Africa’s. No, but the United States incarcerates a higher proportion of blacks than apartheid South Africa did. In America, the black-white wealth gap today is greater than it was in South Africa in 1970 at the peak of apartheid.

Most troubling, America’s racial wealth gap, pay gap and college education gap have all widened in the last few decades.

There are no easy solutions. But let’s talk.



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18) Egyptian Activists Protest Mubarak Verdict Online and Outside in a Sealed Tahrir Square
By

In the hours after an Egyptian court dropped all remaining charges against former President Hosni Mubarak on Saturday, activists who supported the uprising that drove him from power in 2011 jeered the ruling online and in the streets near Cairo’s Tahrir Square, which was closed by the security forces.

After a judge acquitted Mr. Mubarak of corruption and dismissed murder charges against him for the killing of hundreds of protesters, relatives of those killed by the security forces in 2011 were outraged, but dozens of the former president’s supporters applauded in the courtroom and others cheered his return to the military hospital where he has been held.

As journalists and bloggers shared bitter comments posted on social networks by despairing revolutionaries, small numbers of protesters, including relatives of those killed in clashes with the security forces in 2011, gathered in front of armored vehicles outside the square, to chant against military rule.

Activists and reporters documented the demonstration near Tahrir, which grew until the protesters were dispersed with tear gas and shotgun pellets fired by the police after dark.

Video streamed to Bambuser from the phones of activists over the course of the evening, and uploaded to YouTube by news sites, showed the swelling crowd outside the Egyptian Museum at Tahrir’s edge chanting “Freedom!” and “The People Want to Topple the Regime!” before the authorities moved to disperse the demonstration.

While some Egyptians, like the rights activist Hossam Bahgat, parsed the legal basis for the ruling in Mr. Mubarak’s favor, others, including the blogger Hossam el-Hamalawy, suggested that the outcome was entirely expected from a judiciary that remained intact after the revolution.

Among those celebrating on Saturday was Mona al-Beheiri, a supporter of the old guard who achieved Internet fame earlier this year for lecturing President Obama about his supposed interference in Egyptian affairs by working with the president elected to succeed Mr. Mubarak, Mohamed Morsi.

Some activists, like the writer Ahdaf Soueif, pledged to continue the struggle for the 2011 revolution’s aims, in honor of the hundreds of protesters killed that year.

Watching from afar, the Syrian blogger who writes as Edward Dark called the ruling in favor of Mr. Mubarak, who was toppled in an uprising that began on Jan. 25, 2011, a clear sign that the wave of uprisings across the Arab world had failed.


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