Wednesday, April 04, 2007

BAUAW NEWSLETTER - WEDNESDAY, APRIL 4, 2007

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Re: Mumia Abu-Jamal v. Martin Horn,
Pennsylvania Director of Corrections
U.S. Court of Appeals Nos. 01-9014, 02-9001 (death penalty)

Dear Friends:

Oral argument in the case of my client, Mumia Abu-Jamal,
will be on May 17 before a three-judge panel in the U.S.
Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, Philadelphia.

The issues concern the right to a fair trial, the death
penalty, and the political repression of an outspoken
journalist. Racism and politics are threads that have
run through this case since the beginning. We are
engaged in extensive work in preparation for this
complex hearing.

Many people have called my office and sent e-mail asking
how they can make contributions to the defense of Mumia.

Concern has been expressed as to how to ensure that
donations go to the right organization so that they
are actually applied to the legal effort rather than
for some other purpose.

To contribute directly to the legal defense of Mumia,
please make your check payable to the "National Lawyers
Guild Foundation." All such donations are tax deductible
to the full extent provided by law. The NLG Foundation
is a tax-exempt, nonprofit charitable organization under
Internal Revenue Code Section 501(c)(3).

Donations should be mailed to:

Committee To Save Mumia Abu-Jamal
P.O. Box 2012
New York, NY 10159

Your interest in this struggle for human rights
and against the death penalty is appreciated.

With best wishes,

Robert

Robert R. Bryan
Law Offices of Robert R. Bryan
2088 Union Street, Suite 4
San Francisco, California 94123

Lead counsel for Mumia Abu-Jamal

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Which country should we invade next?
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q3g_zqz3VjY

My Favorite Mutiny, The Coup
http://www.myspace.com/thecoupmusic

Michael Moore- The Awful Truth
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xeOaTpYl8mE

Morse v. Frederick Supreme Court arguments
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n_LsGoDWC0o

Free Speech 4 Students Rally - Media Montage
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RfCjfod8yuw

'My son lived a worthwhile life'
In April 2003, 21-year old Tom Hurndall was shot in the head
in Gaza by an Israeli soldier as he tried to save the lives of three
small children. Nine months later, he died, having never
recovered consciousness. Emine Saner talks to his mother
Jocelyn about her grief, her fight to make the Israeli army
accountable for his death and the book she has written
in his memory.
Monday March 26, 2007
The Guardian
http://www.guardian.co.uk/israel/Story/0,,2042968,00.html

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CINE DEL BARRIO and New College Media Studies Program present:
The Red Dance (El Baile Rojo) directed by Yezid Campos
a film about Colombia, video, in color, 57 minutes, 2004
sub-titles in English plus, an up to the minute report on the
continuing struggle in Colombia by Cristina Gutierrez.
Saturday, April 7, 11:30 a.m.
at the Roxie New College Film Center
3117 - 16th Street (between Valencia and Guerrero)
San Francisco
No admission charge

This is part of "Nuestra America, Muestra de Cine y Video
Documental" series of film showings on Saturdays of March,
April, and May. All films are at 11:30am and 1:30pm on
Saturdays at the Roxie. Films on Nicaragua, Venezuela,
Colombia, Argentina, Cuba, Mexico, and the U.S. (Immigrantes
Nuevo Orleans). Films are in Spanish with English sub-titles.
For more information: 415-863-1087
www.roxie.com

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Anti-War Rally at Port of Oakland
Saturday, April 7, 11 a.m. to 1 p.m.
An anti-war rally will mark the fourth anniversary of the
Oakland police attack on anti-war protesters at the Port.
Port of Oakland Headquarters
530 Water Street, foot of Washington St. in Jack London Square.
For more information, call
415-863-6637 or email portaction@riseup.net

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SOLIDARITY WITH KATRINA SURVIVORS

SATURDAY, APRIL 7 @ 7 p.m.
Centro del Pueblo, 474 Valencia St., S.F.

Featured Speaker: KALI AKUNO
Executive Director, People's Hurricane Relief Fund - O.C.

Also: "Down But Not Out" —A Film on the Gulf Coast Resistance

Music by Leith Kahl, Biko, & Spoken Word Artists

SATURDAY, APRIL 7 @ 7 p.m.
(@ 16th Street; near 16th St. Mission BART)
Donation requested at door; No one turned away for lack of funds.

Sponsored by PHRF-OC, Malcolm X Grassroots Movement,
Bay Area Katrina Solidarity Committee,
Revolution Youth, The Organizer Newspaper,
Colectivo Media Insurgente, CRUCS,
Mission High Black Student Union

For more information, call 415-646-6469 or 504-301-0215.

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DEMAND THE RELEASE OF SAMI AL-ARIAN

The National Council of Arab Americans (NCA) demands the immediate
release of political prisoner, Dr. Sami Al-Arian. Dr. Al-Arian is currently
under his 60th day of a water-only hunger strike in protest of his
maltreatment by the US Department of Justice (DOJ). After an earlier
plea agreement that absolved Dr. Al-Arian from any further questioning,
he was sentenced up to 18 months in jail for refusing to testify before
a grand jury in Virginia.

Dr. Al-Arian is currently being held at a medical facility in North Carolina.
He is in critical condition, having lost 53 pounds, over 25% of his
body weight.

According to family members who recently visited him he is no longer
able to walk or stand on his own.

More information on Dr. Al-Arian's ordeal can be found in the transcript
of a recent interview with his wife, Nahla Al-Arian on Democracy Now.

See:
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/03/16/1410255

ACTION:

We ask all people of conscience to demand the immediate
release and end to Dr. Al- Arian's suffering.

Call, Email and Write:

1- Attorney General Alberto Gonzales
Department of Justice
U.S. Department of Justice
950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20530-0001
Fax Number: (202) 307-6777
Email: AskDOJ@usdoj.gov

2- The Honorable John Conyers, Jr
2426 Rayburn Building
Washington, DC 20515
(202) 225-5126
(202) 225-0072 Fax
John.Conyers@mail.house.gov

3- Senator Patrick Leahy
433 Russell Senate Office Building
United States Senate
Washington, DC 20510
(202)224-4242
senator_leahy@leahy.senate.gov

4- Honorable Judge Gerald Lee
U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia
401 Courthouse Square, Alexandria, VA 22314
March 22, 2007
[No email given...bw]

National Council of Arab Americans (NCA)
http://www.arab-american.net/

Criminalizing Solidarity: Sami Al-Arian and the War of
Terror
By Charlotte Kates, The Electronic Intifada, 4 April 2007
http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article6767.shtml

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Excerpt of interview between Barbara Walters and Hugo Chavez
http://www.borev.net/2007/03/what_you_had_something_better.html

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Introducing...................the Apple iRack
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o-KWYYIY4jQ

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"A War Budget Leaves Every Child Behind."
[A T-shirt worn by some teachers at Roosevelt High School
in L.A. as part of their campaign to rid the school of military
recruiters and JROTC--see Article in Full item number 4, below...bw]

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THIS IS AN EXCELLENT VIDEO DESTRIBUTED BY U.S. LABOR AGAINST
THE WAR (USLAW) FEATURING SPEAKERS AT THE JANUARY 27TH
MARCH ON WASHINGTON FOCUSING ON THE DEMAND - BRING
THE TROOPS HOME NOW.
http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=6935451906479097836&hl=en

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Defend the Los Angeles Eight!
http://www.committee4justice.com/

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George Takai responds to Tim Hardaway's homophobic remarks
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kcJoJZIcQW4&eurl_

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Iran
http://www.lucasgray.com/video/peacetrain.html

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Another view of the war. A link from Amer Jubran
http://d3130.servadmin.com/~leeflash/

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Petition: Halt the Blue Angels
http://action.globalexchange.org/petition.jsp?petition_KEY=458
http://www.care2.com/c2c/share/detail/289327

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A Girl Like Me
7:08 min
Youth Documentary
Kiri Davis, Director, Reel Works Teen Filmmaking, Producer
Winner of the Diversity Award
Sponsored by Third Millennium Foundation
http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=1091431409617440489

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Film/Song about Angola
http://www.prisonactivist.org/angola/

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"200 million children in the world sleep in the streets today.
Not one of them is Cuban."
(A sign in Havana)
Venceremos
View sign at bottom of page at:
http://www.cubasolidarity.net/index.html
[Thanks to Norma Harrison for sending this...bw]

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FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

"Cheyenne and Arapaho oral histories hammer history's account of the
Sand Creek Massacre"

CENTENNIAL, CO -- A new documentary film based on an award-winning
documentary short film, "The Sand Creek Massacre", and driven by
Southern Cheyenne and Arapaho people who tell their version about
what happened during the Sand Creek Massacre via their oral
histories, has been released by Olympus Films+, LLC, a Centennial,
Colorado film company.

"You have done an extraordinary job" said Margie Small, Tobient
Entertainment, " on the Colorado PBS episode, the library videos for
public schools and libraries, the trailer, etc...and getting the
story told and giving honor to those ancestors who had to witness
this tragic and brutal attack...film is one of the best ways."

"The images shown in the film were selected for native awareness
value" said Donald L. Vasicek, award-winning writer/filmmaker, "we
also focused on preserving American history on film because tribal
elders are dying and taking their oral histories with them. The film
shows a non-violent solution to problem-solving and 19th century
Colorado history, so it's multi-dimensional in that sense. "

Chief Eugene Blackbear, Sr., Cheyenne, who starred as Chief Black
Kettle in "The Last of the Dogmen" also starring Tom Berenger and
Barbara Hershey and "Dr. Colorado", Tom Noel, University of Colorado
history professor, are featured.

The trailer can be viewed and the film can be ordered for $24.95 plus
$4.95 for shipping and handling at http://www.fullduck.com/node/53.

Vasicek's web site, http://www.donvasicek.com, provides detailed
information about the Sand Creek Massacre including various still
images particularly on the Sand Creek Massacre home page and on the
proposal page.

Olympus Films+, LLC is dedicated to writing and producing quality
products that serve to educate others about the human condition.

Contact:

Donald L. Vasicek
Olympus Films+, LLC
7078 South Fairfax Street
Centennial, CO 80122
http://us.imdb.com/Name?Vasicek,+Don
http://www.donvasicek.com
dvasicek@earthlink.net
303-903-2103

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ARTICLES IN FULL:
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1) Let America Be America Again
by Langston Hughes
http://www.poets.org/viewmedia.php/prmMID/15609

2) The End of the Line as They Know It
By LOUIS UCHITELLE
Detroit
April 1, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/01/business/yourmoney/01jobs.html?ref=business

3) Patents Over Patients
By RALPH W. MOSS
Op-Ed Contributor
State College, Pa.
April 1, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/01/opinion/01moss.html

4) Distract and Disenfranchise
By PAUL KRUGMAN
April 2, 2007
http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/02/opinion/02krugman.html?_r=1&hp&oref=login

5) Taxing Private Equity
Editorial
April 2, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/02/opinion/02mon1.html?hp

6)PROTECT OUR PENSIONS
April 1, 2007
http://www.soldiersofsolidarity.com/

7) "The Language Isn't Strong Enough"
A Report on the 2007 UAW Bargaining Convention
Tueday April 3, 2007
http://www.soldiersofsolidarity.com

8) HOW IRAN TREATS PRISONERS
HOW THE US TREATS PRISONERS
"Call that humiliation? No hoods. No electric shocks. No beatings.
These Iranians are clearly a very uncivilised bunch."
Terry Jones
Saturday March 31, 2007
The Guardian
http://www.guardian .co.uk/

9) More Than a Feeling
Editorial
April 4, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/04/opinion/04weds1.html?hp

10) Daimler Considers Selling Off Chrysler Division
By MARK LANDLER
April 4, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/04/business/04cnd-daimler.html?hp


11) Jungle Law
"In 1972, crude oil began to flow from Texaco's
wells in the area around Lago Agrio ("sour
lake"), in the Ecuadorean Amazon. Born that same
year, Pablo Fajardo is now the lead attorney in
an epic lawsuit˜among the largest environmental
suits in history˜against Chevron, which acquired
Texaco in 2001. Reporting on an emotional battle
in a makeshift jungle courtroom, the author
investigates how many hundreds of square miles of
surrounding rain forest became a toxic-waste dump."
by William Langewiesche
May 2007
http://www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2007/05/texaco200705



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1) Let America Be America Again
by Langston Hughes
http://www.poets.org/viewmedia.php/prmMID/15609

Let America be America again.

Let it be the dream it used to be.

Let it be the pioneer on the plain

Seeking a home where he himself is free.


(America never was America to me.)


Let America be the dream the dreamers dreamed--

Let it be that great strong land of love

Where never kings connive nor tyrants scheme

That any man be crushed by one above.


(It never was America to me.)


O, let my land be a land where Liberty

Is crowned with no false patriotic wreath,

But opportunity is real, and life is free,

Equality is in the air we breathe.


(There's never been equality for me,

Nor freedom in this "homeland of the free.")


Say, who are you that mumbles in the dark?

And who are you that draws your veil across the stars?


I am the poor white, fooled and pushed apart,

I am the Negro bearing slavery's scars.

I am the red man driven from the land,

I am the immigrant clutching the hope I seek--

And finding only the same old stupid plan

Of dog eat dog, of mighty crush the weak.


I am the young man, full of strength and hope,

Tangled in that ancient endless chain

Of profit, power, gain, of grab the land!

Of grab the gold! Of grab the ways of satisfying need!

Of work the men! Of take the pay!

Of owning everything for one's own greed!


I am the farmer, bondsman to the soil.

I am the worker sold to the machine.

I am the Negro, servant to you all.

I am the people, humble, hungry, mean--

Hungry yet today despite the dream.

Beaten yet today--O, Pioneers!

I am the man who never got ahead,

The poorest worker bartered through the years.


Yet I'm the one who dreamt our basic dream

In the Old World while still a serf of kings,

Who dreamt a dream so strong, so brave, so true,

That even yet its mighty daring sings

In every brick and stone, in every furrow turned

That's made America the land it has become.

O, I'm the man who sailed those early seas

In search of what I meant to be my home--

For I'm the one who left dark Ireland's shore,

And Poland's plain, and England's grassy lea,

And torn from Black Africa's strand I came

To build a "homeland of the free."


The free?


Who said the free? Not me?

Surely not me? The millions on relief today?

The millions shot down when we strike?

The millions who have nothing for our pay?

For all the dreams we've dreamed

And all the songs we've sung

And all the hopes we've held

And all the flags we've hung,

The millions who have nothing for our pay--

Except the dream that's almost dead today.


O, let America be America again--

The land that never has been yet--

And yet must be--the land where every man is free.

The land that's mine--the poor man's, Indian's, Negro's, ME--

Who made America,

Whose sweat and blood, whose faith and pain,

Whose hand at the foundry, whose plow in the rain,

Must bring back our mighty dream again.


Sure, call me any ugly name you choose--

The steel of freedom does not stain.

From those who live like leeches on the people's lives,

We must take back our land again,

America!


O, yes,

I say it plain,

America never was America to me,

And yet I swear this oath--

America will be!


Out of the rack and ruin of our gangster death,

The rape and rot of graft, and stealth, and lies,

We, the people, must redeem

The land, the mines, the plants, the rivers.

The mountains and the endless plain--

All, all the stretch of these great green states--

And make America again!

From The Collected Poems of Langston Hughes, published
by Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. Copyright © 1994 the Estate of Langston Hughes.

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2) The End of the Line as They Know It
By LOUIS UCHITELLE
Detroit
April 1, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/01/business/yourmoney/01jobs.html?ref=business

TALK to Kenneth Doolittle about General Motors, where he once
supervised a team of assembly line workers, and he readily speaks
with pride about his job and the self-esteem it provided. “I loved
all of it — the people, the work,” he says. “I was in a position
finally where people listened to me when I spoke. I wasn’t just
a Joe-Nobody. I contributed.”

Talk to Mr. Doolittle a little longer and he gradually describes
why he decided to take a buyout from G.M. — joining more than
80,000 Big Three employees in the largest exodus of workers
from a single American industry in decades.

After G.M. shuttered the plant where Mr. Doolittle worked,
it offered him a job back on the assembly line at another
factory, an offer he pondered in silent humiliation. At 54,
he considers himself “mentally not ready to retire,” but his
union contract, and G.M.’s woes, required him to return
to the assembly line and forfeit the higher rank he had
worked years to secure.

So he decided to leave. “I did not want to start over,” he
said, “not after 33 ½ years.”

The exodus that Mr. Doolittle is joining is voluntary. Some
have changed their minds. More than 3,000 workers who
signed up over the last year to leave Ford and G.M.
subsequently decided to stay. These are, after all, the
highest-paying blue-collar jobs left in America. Even so,
workers are departing from the auto industry en masse,
escaping — as they put it in interviews — increasingly
difficult working conditions at companies they fear will
desert them.

As the workers depart in greater numbers than either their
union or their employers anticipated, the exodus becomes
more than a long ledger of altered lives. It is an accounting,
of course, but an accounting of the most personal and
poignant sort. Communities are fragmenting, families are
relocating, and years of individual choices tethered to the
notion of a certain kind of job in a certain kind of place are
giving way to uncertainty, regret and loss of control.

“The question is, Are we seeing a final end to what we have
called blue-collar aristocracy?” asks Sheldon H. Danziger,
a public policy researcher at the University of Michigan
in Ann Arbor. “Big Steel is gone, coal is gone, shipbuilding
is gone — all the big industrial unions are gone or going,
except the auto workers. These are the people who had
the strongest ability to fight, and now they seem to be
giving up the struggle.”

The reasons auto workers give for embracing buyouts are
almost as numerous as the 18 workers interviewed for this
article. Some have already departed from G.M., the first
of the Big Three to offer the buyouts, and others are soon
to depart from the Ford Motor Company and DaimlerChrysler.
Many who left or are leaving were eligible for retirement,
having already worked the necessary 30 years. Others have
accepted lump-sum payments, often in the six figures,
to start over again. Indeed, the voluntary nature of this
exodus has made it seem softer or less apparent than the
upheavals that have greeted mass layoffs in other industries.

But the common thread running through all of the interviews
is that working conditions and benefits, which had become
steadily better through the 1970s and even in the 1990s,
were unmistakably in decline — and the future unpredictable.

Mr. Doolittle, a stocky man with a narrow mustache, joined
G.M. on the assembly line in Lansing in 1973 and rose to become
a leader of one of the Japanese-style work teams that first
became fashionable in the American auto industry in the
1980s. By 2005, he was a “team build coordinator” with
authority over several groups whose job it was to transfer
engines from a conveyor into cars, bolt them into place and
attach skeins of wires as the cars moved down an assembly line.

When G.M. decided to close his plant in 2005, Mr. Doolittle’s
seniority gave him every right to transfer to a much newer
factory right next door, where G.M. is building a popular
Cadillac sedan and is likely to do so for as long as Mr. Doolittle
might have wanted a job. But he balked because of the change
in stature that would accompany the switch.

Since his departure last year, he has struggled to occupy
his time. Divorced, with four grown children, he divides his
days between an apartment in Lansing and a trailer parked
on a small lakefront plot that he owns north of the city.
He has typed out on a laptop three novels “about my life
experience.” And to make up some of his lost income —
his $36,000 pension is 60 percent of his old pay — he
works 20 hours a week, at $10 an hour, doing maintenance
at Sears stores.

“That is just enough to keep me from watching Jerry Springer
every day,” he said. “I don’t want to sit in front of a TV;
I’m too young for that.”

STARTING two years ago, the Big Three announced their
intention to shed tens of thousands of workers by 2008.
The buyouts, negotiated with the United Automobile Workers,
are an attempt to orchestrate a huge downsizing in a kindlier,
more orderly manner. The offers hold out a variety of subsidies,
with the announced goal to tide people over as they make
the transition to other jobs and lives.

Ford Motor in particular has told its younger employees, through
a series of job fairs, that good incomes await them in other
industries, especially if they avail themselves of one of the
tuition subsidies that Ford offers as a buyout option. Ford
also offers departing employees a six-figure lump-sum
payment, which experts at the job fairs suggest could be
used to start a small business or to buy into a franchise.

Joe W. Laymon, Ford’s vice president for corporate human
resources and labor affairs, says his company has successfully
used the job fairs to inform workers about opportunities and
good pay elsewhere. On a more ominous note, however,
he is quick to add that Ford has no other choice but to lay
off or buy out workers if the company hopes to remain
competitive.

“We believe that the Ford Motor Company will be a viable,
profitable entity going forward,” Mr. Laymon says. “To get
from where we are today to that viable, profitable entity, we
will reduce the number of employees working at Ford. Now,
we can do it with an involuntary action or we can do it with
a combination of voluntary actions and involuntary actions.”

Across America, more than 30 million people have been forced
out of jobs since the early 1980s, the Bureau of Labor Statistics
reports, and regaining lost incomes has not been easy. Nearly
50 million new jobs have been created over that same period,
according to the bureau, so there are always new opportunities
but more often than not at lower pay. Among those who have
lost work, only a third held new jobs two years later that paid
as well as those that were lost, according to the bureau’s surveys
of displaced workers. Another third of those displaced were
in jobs that paid, on average, 15 to 20 percent less than their
previous employment — while the final third had dropped out
of the labor force entirely.

The Census Bureau reported a jump in net migration out of
Michigan last year: some 42,300 people left, up from 29,700
in 2005. That was far and away the largest outflow from the
state since 1984, during the Rust Belt crisis, census data show.
In some Michigan neighborhoods that have been home to auto
workers, houses are now selling for less than the prices of
some of the vehicles rolling off of assembly lines in Detroit,
Dearborn, Lansing and elsewhere in the state. While no statistical
evidence currently links the buyouts and the migration, Michigan
state officials are responding as if that were the case. Gov. Jennifer
M. Granholm is promising publicly financed college scholarships
for all high school graduates, and she is expanding retraining
programs for idled workers. “People who had auto manufacturing
in the DNA of their families for several generations,” she says,
“are all of a sudden finding the rug pulled out from under them.”

The exodus is reminiscent of the Dust Bowl migration from
the prairie states in the 1930s, when unemployed farmers gave
up and trekked west to California. The Dust Bowl migration, on
its face, was much more brutal — the number of displaced Okies,
as they were called, was far greater than the current number
of departing auto workers, and there were not corporate and
public subsidies at the time to soften the hardship.

“The Okies did not know whether they would get to their destination
before they starved to death,” said Daniel Luria, an economist
at the Michigan Manufacturing Technology Center. “The labor
market prospects for the auto workers are not good, but they
have assets. They are not in danger of immediately falling
into poverty.”

Still, for all their greater means, the auto workers talk of a similar
jarring sense of dislocation. The World War II economy eventually
lifted the Okies to prosperity, and the buyouts may be the first
step in achieving the same result for auto workers, though their
fate will not be known for quite a while.

Unionized auto workers can boast of annual wages of $60,000,
built on a 40-hour work week that pays $28 or more an hour.
Overtime pay helps swell wages to $80,000 or more, but overtime
is steadily disappearing as the Big Three’s market share declines
in the post-S.U.V. era. At the same time, getting off the assembly
line, with its grueling pace and mental and emotional fatigue, has
become more difficult. Rising seniority once meant transfers after
10 or 15 years to easier tasks such as building seats or moving
materials as a forklift driver. Many of these off-the-line jobs
have been outsourced.

Skilled auto workers — electricians, millwrights, tool makers —
are similarly disheartened. Their skills have been hollowed out,
they say. Instead of taking apart and repairing a machine’s
gearbox, for example, they are limited to swapping out the
damaged box for a spare. The damaged box goes for repair
to an outside contractor employing less expensive labor.

Beyond all of these specific complaints, auto workers say they
fear the future. Plant closings have sown uncertainty. Some auto
workers who accepted buyouts explained that they did so to lock
in pensions and retiree health benefits. But they worry that these
benefits may be bargained away for future retirees in contract
negotiations that begin this summer.

Younger workers, as a result, often say they see themselves
as having no choice but to bail out. They have grabbed
at generous college tuition payments or lump-sum payments
as a bridge to what they hope will be, if not better lives, then
incomes that someday will at least equal those they earned
as auto workers.

JEFFREY VITALE, 39, is in this camp. He is considering a $100,000
buyout from DaimlerChrysler as part of a package that the automaker
is just now putting on the table; it was the last of the Big Three
to make such an offer.

“Don’t get me wrong,” Mr. Vitale says. “It is going to be hard
financially to leave.”

Like many younger auto workers, he has gone to college. He was
on his way to becoming a public school teacher when he dropped
out in the late 1980s, against his father’s wishes, to become
a carpenter. “It was hard to tell a 21-year-old making $75,000
a year that you needed a college education to get a job,”
Mr. Vitale recalls.

A decade ago, he left carpentry and went to work for Chrysler at
the Jefferson North assembly plant in Detroit. As a skilled millwright,
his $31 an hour often brought in $80,000 a year or more, with
overtime. “I was content,” he says. “I was bringing home a steady,
good paycheck.” He married six years ago and he and his wife,
a dance instructor, have a 3-year-old son.

Then disillusionment crept in. Mr. Vitale found himself stuck on
the second shift, working afternoon and evening hours, unable
to spend much time with his family. Periodic layoffs of less-senior
workers have kept him close to the bottom of the seniority ladder,
which means that he has not been able to qualify for the more
desirable day shift.

The outsourcing of skilled work — in his case, maintenance
of conveyors and machinery — also grates. “I think they will
build cars in this plant for a long time,” he says, “but they won’t
utilize in-house skills as they have in the past.”

Two years ago, he was injured. A Jeep he was helping to push
back onto a conveyor slipped off and pinned him. He spent 10
months at home convalescing from shoulder injuries that required
two operations.

“That is when I realized I did not want to come back to the factory,”
Mr. Vitale says. “I checked out my college transcript; I needed seven
more courses, 21 credits, for a bachelor’s degree, and I’ve been
doing the course work online.”

He expects to graduate in December, qualified to work as a physical
therapist, a profession not likely to pay as much as he now earns,
and certainly not with the same benefits. For that reason, he
hesitates to leave, but the Chrysler buyout proposals include,
in his case, six months of health insurance on top of a $100,000
payment.

“I’m halfway decided to take the money and go,” he says. “I’ll be
40 in November. Do I wait until they cut my pay in half and there
is no buyout? Or they decide they don’t need so many millwrights
in the plant, and they let me go? They have 136 now, down from
280 ten years ago.”

FOR her part, Leann Bies, 48, an electrician at the Ford truck
plant in Dearborn, says that accepting a buyout means she will
finally have a summer off. “There comes a point in time when
you want to leave,” she says.

With 29 years of service, one shy of the 30 needed to retire,
she qualifies for a buyout that allows her to stay home that last
year while collecting 85 percent of her pay, which is $31 an
hour or $65,000 annually. She then segues into a normal
$36,000 pension as well as retiree health insurance, both
nominally insulated from any chipping away that might take
place in pending contract negotiations.

In a future job, if she takes one, she won’t even try to match
her Ford salary, she says. She does not need to. Her husband
continues to work at a G.M. plant. Their mortgage is paid off.
The last two of her three children are in their final college years.
And as an electrician with a state license, Ms. Bies says she can
get work in her trade if need be.

Or she could take an office job. While at Ford, she earned
a bachelor’s degree in business leadership during her spare
time. Ford paid her tuition under a program the U.A.W. negotiated.
“I am young enough to pursue another career if I choose
to do so,” she says.

But for all of her creature comforts, Ms. Bies is angry about
what she calls shoddy treatment in recent years. “The management
of this plant is very disrespectful,” she says.

The truck plant, a state-of-the-art operation, produces the still-
popular F150 pickup, and there is constant pressure to keep the
line moving. “I came into this plant in 2003 and for two years they
treated me as if I were dumber than a box of rocks,” she says.
“You get an attitude if you are treated that way. It is an important
part of my decision to leave.”

Yet it is only after departing that some auto workers realize what
they have lost. Andrew J. Vigliano, 63, is one. He worked 44 years
for G.M. in Lansing, mostly on the assembly line, and he still has
the wiry body of a younger man. His factory closed last year, and
rather than transfer to another plant, he took a $35,000 incentive
to retire.

“I was kind of tired of working,” he says. “But if you want my true
opinion, if I had it to do over again, I would have stayed. I miss the
people I worked with every day. Suddenly you cut that right off.”
As the buyouts continue, some auto workers have turned to jobs
that were once hobbies or sidelines to replace lost income: repairing
gutters, landscaping, serving as full-time pastors or working as real
estate brokers, plumbers and electricians.

Mark Strong, 48, a stocky six-footer, his long graying hair pulled
back in a ponytail, went on such a route. A decade ago, he and his
brother, Tim, started a small machine shop, first in the garages
of their homes in Mason, just south of Lansing, and then in an
industrial park, in a small hangar-like building that Mark had
constructed.

The venture, Strong Products, has struggled. Tim, 47, a machinist,
worked at the shop full time while Mark worked there during time
off from his job at G.M., which he joined in 1976. When his plant
closed in 2005, he elected to transfer to another plant in Lansing,
then still under construction. While he waited for the plant to open,
he furloughed himself from G.M. and focused on his machine shop.
“I could see then, working full time, that we could grow the business,”
he said, “and we have.”

Their operation now includes several computerized cutting machines,
bought on credit, and several employees. Still, with gross revenue
of only $200,000 a year, and debts more than double that amount,
there is little income left for the brothers. Tim, with a wife and children,
draws a salary. Mark, living alone and childless, draws much less money
from the business. So when the new G.M. plant finally opened last
year, he reported for work.

He didn’t like what he found. He had risen over the years from
the assembly line to materials handling, in his case delivering
cylinders of chemicals at a pace that he controlled. “As long as
there was not a phone call saying some chemical was needed,
I was on my own,” he said.

In the new plant, chemical delivery was automated, and Mark
found himself on a much more demanding schedule. He was
assigned to deliver parts from the shipping bays to the assembly
line at a pace set by the line’s speed. He hooked his small tractor
to a train of wagons, each loaded with parts, and drove them
to stations along the line.

“Every 45 minutes to an hour another tractor-trailer would show
up at the shipping bays with the already-loaded wagons inside,”
he said. “It took me 45 minutes to get the contents to the line,
leaving just enough time to get back and hook up the next load.”

Automation and more rigorous scheduling may have improved
G.M.’s efficiency, but for Mr. Strong, the change was stressful
and G.M.’s buyout last year offered an escape. With 30 years
under his belt, he collected a $35,000 incentive to retire and
began to draw a $36,000 annual pension, or 60 percent
of his old wage, along with retiree health insurance.

“I would have stayed,” he says, “ if the work was similar to
the old job and if I had a wife and kids in college, which
I don’t have. And if I did not have this shop. It weighed
in my decision to leave; I had something to do.”

UNLIKE Mr. Strong, other displaced workers, including
Mr. Doolittle, now working part time at Sears, do not have
occupations that engage them. And they miss the work,
the income and the way of life that defined their careers
as auto workers.

“My children and my grandchildren will never have an opportunity
to work at G.M.,” Mr. Doolittle says. “My dad made a good living
there. So did my brother and my brothers-in-law. That is all over
now. It will be 10 to 15 years before G.M. hires again, if it ever does,
and at who knows what wages.”

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3) Patents Over Patients
By RALPH W. MOSS
Op-Ed Contributor
State College, Pa.
April 1, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/01/opinion/01moss.html

WE could make faster progress against cancer by changing the way
drugs are developed. In the current system, if a promising compound
can’t be patented, it is highly unlikely ever to make it to market —
no matter how well it performs in the laboratory. The development
of new cancer drugs is crippled as a result.

The reason for this problem is that bringing a new drug to market
is extremely expensive. In 2001, the estimated cost was $802 million;
today it is approximately $1 billion. To ensure a healthy return on
such staggering investments, drug companies seek to formulate new
drugs in a way that guarantees watertight patents. In the meantime,
cancer patients miss out on treatments that may be highly effective
and less expensive to boot.

In 2004, Johns Hopkins researchers discovered that an off-the-shelf
compound called 3-bromopyruvate could arrest the growth of liver
cancer in rats. The results were dramatic; moreover, the investigators
estimated that the cost to treat patients would be around 70 cents
per day. Yet, three years later, no major drug company has shown
interest in developing this drug for human use.

Early this year, another readily available industrial chemical,
dichloroacetate, was found by researchers at the University
of Alberta to shrink tumors in laboratory animals by up to 75 percent.
However, as a university news release explained, dichloroacetate is
not patentable, and the lead researcher is concerned that it may
be difficult to find funding from private investors to test the chemical.
So the university is soliciting public donations to finance a clinical trial.

The hormone melatonin, sold as an inexpensive food supplement
in the United States, has repeatedly been shown to slow the growth
of various cancers when used in conjunction with conventional
treatments. Paolo Lissoni, an Italian oncologist, helped write more
than 100 articles about this hormone and conducted numerous
clinical trials. But when I visited him at his hospital in Monza in
2003, he was in deep despair over the pharmaceutical industry’s
total lack of interest in his treatment approach. He has published
nothing on the topic since then.

Potential anticancer drugs should be judged on their scientific
merit, not on their patentability. One solution might be for the
government to enlarge the Food and Drug Administration’s
“orphan drug” program, which subsidizes the development
of drugs for rare diseases. The definition of orphan drug could
be expanded to include unpatentable agents that are scorned
as unprofitable by pharmaceutical companies.

We need to foster a research and development environment in
which anticancer activity is the main criterion for new drug
development.

Ralph W. Moss writes a weekly online newsletter about cancer.

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4) Distract and Disenfranchise
By PAUL KRUGMAN
April 2, 2007
http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/02/opinion/02krugman.html?_r=1&hp&oref=login

I have a theory about the Bush administration abuses
of power that are now, finally, coming to light.
Ultimately, I believe, they were driven by rising
income inequality.

Let me explain.

In 1980, when Ronald Reagan won the White House,
conservative ideas appealed to many, even most,
Americans. At the time, we were truly a middle-class
nation. To white voters, at least, the vast inequalities
and social injustices of the past, which were what
originally gave liberalism its appeal, seemed like
ancient history. It was easy, in that nation,
to convince many voters that Big Government was
their enemy, that they were being taxed to provide
social programs for other people.

Since then, however, we have once again become
a deeply unequal society. Median income has risen
only 17 percent since 1980, while the income
of the richest 0.1 percent of the population
has quadrupled. The gap between the rich and
the middle class is as wide now as it was in the
1920s, when the political coalition that would
eventually become the New Deal was taking shape.

And voters realize that society has changed.
They may not pore over income distribution tables,
but they do know that today’s rich are building
themselves mansions bigger than those of the robber
barons. They may not read labor statistics,
but they know that wages aren’t going anywhere:
according to the Pew Research Center, 59 percent
of workers believe that it’s harder to earn
a decent living today than it was 20 or
30 years ago.

You know that perceptions of rising inequality
have become a political issue when even President
Bush admits, as he did in January, that “some
of our citizens worry about the fact that our
dynamic economy is leaving working people behind.”

But today’s Republicans can’t respond in any
meaningful way to rising inequality, because
their activists won’t let them. You could see
the dilemma just this past Friday and Saturday,
when almost all the G.O.P. presidential hopefuls
traveled to Palm Beach to make obeisance to the
Club for Growth, a supply-side pressure group
dedicated to tax cuts and privatization.

The Republican Party’s adherence to an outdated
ideology leaves it with big problems. It can’t
offer domestic policies that respond to the
public’s real needs. So how can it win elections?

The answer, for a while, was a combination of
distraction and disenfranchisement.

The terrorist attacks on 9/11 were themselves
a massive, providential distraction; until
then the public, realizing that Mr. Bush wasn’t
the moderate he played in the 2000 election,
was growing increasingly unhappy with his
administration. And they offered many
opportunities for further distractions.
Rather than debating Democrats on the issues,
the G.O.P. could denounce them as soft
on terror. And do you remember the terror
alert, based on old and questionable
information, that was declared right after
the 2004 Democratic National Convention?

But distraction can only go so far. So the
other tool was disenfranchisement: finding
ways to keep poor people, who tend to vote
for the party that might actually do something
about inequality, out of the voting booth.

Remember that disenfranchisement in the form
of the 2000 Florida “felon purge,” which
struck many legitimate voters from the rolls,
put Mr. Bush in the White House in the first
place. And disenfranchisement seems to be
what much of the politicization of the Justice
Department was about.

Several of the fired U.S. attorneys were under
pressure to pursue allegations of voter fraud
— a phrase that has become almost synonymous
with “voting while black.” Former staff members
of the Justice Department’s civil rights division
say that they were repeatedly overruled when
they objected to Republican actions, ranging
from Georgia’s voter ID law to Tom DeLay’s Texas
redistricting, that they believed would effectively
disenfranchise African-American voters.

The good news is that all the G.O.P.’s abuses
of power weren’t enough to win the 2006 elections.
And 2008 may be even harder for the Republicans,
because the Democrats — who spent most of the Clinton
years trying to reassure rich people and corporations
that they weren’t really populists — seem
to be realizing that times have changed.

A week before the Republican candidates trooped
to Palm Beach to declare their allegiance to tax
cuts, the Democrats met to declare their commitment
to universal health care. And it’s hard to see
what the G.O.P. can offer in response.

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5) Taxing Private Equity
Editorial
April 2, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/02/opinion/02mon1.html?hp

In the world of private equity, “2 and 20” is a formula
for making money. The mavens of the industry — venture
capitalists and buyout specialists — generally collect
a management fee of 2 percent of the assets they manage
and a performance fee equal to 20 percent of any profits.
With hundreds of billions of dollars flowing through
the 2-and-20 structure, the megabucks pile up quickly.

High fees, however, are only one reason that private
equity lives by “2 and 20.” Another is low taxes.

Partners in private equity ventures treat their
performance fees as capital gains — in other words,
like profits on the sale of a stock — and thus pay
tax on the fees at a rate of 15 percent, about the
lowest in the tax code. According to federal
partnership tax rules, that’s legal. But the rules
were developed before private equity became the
force it is today, and mainly with small business
and real estate partnerships in mind.

Some lawmakers — notably Senator Max Baucus, the
Democratic chairman of the Finance Committee, and
Senator Charles Grassley, the committee’s top
Republican — have begun to question whether those
rules should apply to private equity.

Adding grist to lawmakers’ skepticism is a recent
paper by Victor Fleischer, an associate professor
at the University of Colorado Law School.
Mr. Fleischer makes several arguments against
treating performance pay as capital gain, starting
with the increasingly huge sums that private equity
firms raise from tax-exempt investors, like pension
funds and endowments.

In general, when corporate executives get performance
-based pay, like stock options, they don’t have
to pay tax right away. That’s a big tax benefit,
but it leaves the government no worse off because
the corporation also delays taking a deduction for
the payment. There is no such offset when private
equity partners are paid by tax-exempt investors.
The nation in effect waits longer for its tax revenue
and gets less, as private equity partners get more.

The deeper question in all this is whether capital
gains — which are currently taxed at less than half
the top rate of ordinary income — should continue
to be so lavishly advantaged. The answer there is
no. Today’s preferential rate for capital gains
is excessive, with no mechanism in the tax code
to ensure that it is not overused. Excessively
favoring one form of income over another encourages
wasteful gamesmanship, creates inequity and crowds
out other ways to foster risk-taking. Tackling the
too-easy tax terms for private equity is a good way
for Congress to begin addressing that bigger issue.

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6)PROTECT OUR PENSIONS
April 1, 2007
http://www.soldiersofsolidarity.com/

Norm Goddard transferred back to GM from Delphi in March
2000. In May 2006 he applied for retirement from GM. After
30 years of service he wanted out. He was looking forward
to the $35,000. When he went to the Benefits Office to sign
his retirement papers the document stated that he hired
into Delphi in 1976.

"That's a lie," Norm said. "Delphi wasn't even around in 1976.
I hired in at GM."

The Benefits Rep informed him that if he signed the document
he agreed to everything it said. Norm refused. "I worked
less than nine months for Delphi." He has 24 years of
pension credits with Delphi, a bankrupt company that
never operated independent of GM.

When Delphi was spun off from GM in 1999 John Goshka
had 34 years seniority. He chose to keep working. "I had
children in college," he said. When John retired in 2004
he had 39 years of credited service with Delphi. At age
60 John doesn't know what will happen to his pension
or his health care. His 34 years of GM time were dumped
into Delphi.

When Delphi offered two choices, retire or transfer away
from home and likely give up his trade as a toolmaker,
Mike Wittek decided to call it quits. He signed up for
the Special Attrition Program [SAP] and went out with
only 21 years of credited service. Though he hired
in at GM, he left with a Delphi pension and a bad
taste in his mouth.

At the UAW Constitutional Convention in June 2006
I asked for a point of information. I explained that
GM had transferred all my pension credits to Delphi
at the time of the spin off in 1999. Now Delphi was
bankrupt. GM's contractual agreement to guarantee the
Delphi pension expires at the end of this contract
in October 2007. What happens if Delphi decides to
stop pension payments in 2008, after the guarantee
expires?

The resolution on the floor at the time was "Protecting
Pensions." Dick Shoemaker, the UAW-VP responsible for
negotiations at GM and Delphi, declared me "Out of Order."
But he said that he would speak to me "privately."
Shoemaker understood that I wanted him to speak publicly
for the record. He didn't take the bait.

I immediately approached the stage and Shoemaker came
down to talk with me. What he had to say concerning
Delphi retirees was not intended for the official record.
He explained that if I signed the Special Attrition
Program [SAP] and "checked the box", it was "understood"
that GM would guarantee the pension.

"But it doesn't say that," I replied.

"It's understood," he said.

"It states that only what is written is valid and that
verbal promises contrary to the written document have
no merit," I replied.

"Well, it's understood," he said.

"OK. I'll take your word for it. But what about the
people who already retired or who will retire five
years from now and don't have the opportunity
to check the box"?

"We still have to negotiate that," Shoemaker said.

Here are the facts. The SAP states that if you sign
you agree to the terms, and the SAP stipulated that
those who signed would get a "Delphi Hourly Pension".
Shoemaker's verbal assertion that it "was understood"
doesn’t amount to a tinker's damn. As Shoemaker readily
admitted to me, the fate of Delphi-UAW members who
retired before the SAP was available or who transferred
back to GM and would retire in the future still has
to be negotiated.

Demonstrate solidarity with Delphi-UAW members by
demanding that the Benefit Guarantee be activated
and GM held accountable for the orchestrated bankruptcy
at Delphi.

I am not a delegate at this Bargaining Convention
because my old plant is now closed. I chose to return
to a GM plant rather than take the SAP because there
is no security with a Delphi pension.

For the record, a commitment to protect the Delphi
retirees at the 2007 UAW Bargaining Convention would
be in order.

Gregg Shotwell
UAW Local 1753

www.soldiersofsolidarity.com

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7) "The Language Isn't Strong Enough"
A Report on the 2007 UAW Bargaining Convention
Tueday April 3, 2007
http://www.soldiersofsolidarity.com

The 2007 UAW Bargaining Convention format was sanitized,
preshrunk, and bleached. The one-size-fits-all style was
designed to control the rancor of the rank and file.
But work to rule is a tool for all trades and a master
of one — tipping the balance of power.

Mike Parker, a delegate from Local 1700, busted the seams
of uniform decorum before Gettelfinger could pound the podium.

When the chair requested a motion to accept the Rules
Committee Report at the start of the convention, Parker
demanded a point of order and made a motion to amend
the rules.

The proposed rules restricted delegates from making amendments
to the resolutions; limited debate with tedious time consuming
recitations rather than summaries; and relegated precious time
that should have been allocated to debate to political
dignitaries. Parker's amendment declared:

"The agenda for the Wednesday morning session will be Organizing
to Fight Back. This session will cover how we can mobilize
our members, build solidarity, resist company whipsawing and
divisive strategies like two tier, and pitting older workers
against younger workers. To make time for this session, short
presentation summaries will be used instead of reading the
complete resolution book, and guest speakers will be asked
to keep their comments brief."

Voices from all over the convention floor yelled, "Support".

The Chair attempted to dispose of the point of order, but
Parker stood his ground. Since a motion to accept the rules
had not been approved, there were no rules governing the
convention except Robert's Rules of Parliamentary Procedure.
The amendment was in order, it had been seconded, and was
now open for discussion. Parker proceeded.

"The key to these negotiations is not whether we have
a nice wish list of bargaining demands but how we are going
to fight the companies. The companies have made it clear
they are not our partners and will take everything they
can get

How do we take on their whipsawing?

How do we take on the cancer of Two Tier, this pitting
of older workers against younger workers?

I would point out that I find nothing in this resolution
against Two Tier and indeed some vague justifications for it.
We can not afford to be unclear on this question which rots
the foundation of unionism.

Even before official bargaining starts the company is
tearing the union apart in the Big Three. The companies are
forcing concessionary contracts which undermine our pattern
bargaining

This union is in a crisis. The companies have launched
an ideological attack on unionism at work and in the media.

Doubtless, as at the last convention, there will be
delegates who will get up and read the Administration Caucus
cue cards about and how these rules have always worked for us.

Well, we had better start addressing the fact that we
are in crisis and we have to start by figuring out how to
get the membership in this union re involved and mobilized
rather than trying to have nicely scripted conventions.
That means starting with the delegates here.

We are supposed to be the leaders of this union. I ask
you to start acting as leaders and let's get this convention
addressing the real problems."

The charade was over. The emperor was naked and everyone
knew it.

The next delegate, Paul Baxter from Local 659, said,
"I support the amendment to the rules. The strategy
of cooperation with management is a failure. We cannot
go on pretending that the companies are our partners.
How can you ask us to be partners with liars, cheaters,
and thieves?

This resolution book is nothing but a wish list.
We need a more effective strategy to fight back."

A sister from Local 7 opposed the amendment. She denied
knowledge of any "cue cards" but relied on the time worn
cliché, "If it ain't broke, don't fix it." She called
for the question to end debate which is standard "cue
card" performance.

Wendy Thompson, a delegate from Local 235, demanded
a point of order. She said, "It is broken" and appealed
to the delegates to continue discussion and not prohibit
debate.

The chair ruled her out of order and cut her speech
short. The delegates turned the amendment down with
a voice vote but Parker's challenge set the tone of
the convention. Delegates unaccustomed to opposing the
administration came forward to "oppose the resolution
because the language isn't strong enough." The phrase
became a common refrain.

Fine Print vs. Bold Print

In regard to contract workers several delegates
complained about having to work side by side with
non union workers. "Why are they in our plants?"
asked Don Dekker from Local 371.

Jerry Urn, a delegate from Region 4, stated his
wholehearted support for President Gettelfinger
and the UAW but opposed the resolution and echoed
the refrain, "because the language isn't strong
enough." He reaffirmed his support of the UAW,
but he repeated twice for clarity and emphasis,
"My members hate two tier."

Page 19 of the official resolution book states:
"We also recognize the need for supplemental labor
agreements, at different wage and benefit rates,
in specific business circumstances where competitive
pressure requires an alternative approach to maintain
employment opportunities for our members and potential
members."

The words "two tier" are carefully evaded but the
intent is clear. A trade off is in the cards:
reduced wages and benefits in return for "employment
opportunities."

Two tier is not a union agreement, it's a prepaid
funeral arrangement. In 2003 the UAW pushed through
a ratification of the national agreement and then
later negotiated a two tier supplemental agreement
for Delphi that was never ratified by the members.
The two tier supplement cut wages almost in half,
reduced health care benefits, and eliminated the
pension. It wasn't enough to satisfy the "liars,
cheaters, and thieves."

Wendy Thompson rose in opposition to the weak language
of the resolution. She said we must clearly state,
"No Two Tier." The tone of her voice underlined each
word. She further advocated that we organize a campaign
to "take Chrysler off the market."

"Make noise," she said. "Mobilize the membership. What
we are facing is new and more difficult than ever. The
membership is demoralized. We should not go away from
this convention without a discussion of how to mobilize
the membership."

The Concession Caucus started a campaign in 2005 called
Mobilizing@Delphi but it never materialized. Their idea
of mobilization does not include the rank and file. They
consolidate power in the front office and function more
like a human resource management team than a union. The
Concession Caucus prefers to negotiate in the backroom
and the courtroom but the results have been dismal. The
compromise and retreat strategy not only erodes our wages,
benefits, and working conditions, it divides the union,
degrades new members, and discourages organizing. Who
needs a union to bargain for concessions?

No Concessions

Gary Walkowicz, a delegate from Local 600, stated his
case bluntly.

"I speak in opposition to the resolution because
it does not say what needs to be said; It does not
say what our members want us to say – "No More
Concessions"

That is the message that the members in my plant
sent me to bring to this Convention.

This letter to the delegates signed by over 1,000
members of the Dearborn Truck Plant was also signed
by more than another thousand members in some of
your plants, signed by retirees from your locals.

No More concessions. That is the message that I know
many of you are hearing from your own members. It's
time to stop concessions.

What has concessions gotten us, except more concessions?

We give up wage increases and promises to retirees
are broken.

And then the corporations come right back and threaten
us, pitting plant against plant, whipsawing us into passing
C.O.A.s, outsourcing our own jobs. I know the pressure
that puts on the local leaderships.

And then the ink is not even dry on the C.O.A.s and the
corporations are demanding more concessions in the
national contract.

Giving up concessions has only made the corporations
bolder and made them more greedy. Fellow delegates,
I know there are those of you who see the same thing.
I say that the business of this Convention should be
to take a stand against concessions.

The business of this Convention should be to organize
a fight against corporate greed, to defend the hard won
gains of this union. I believe this is what our members
want us to do."

Mark Payne, a delegate from Local 1250, also objected
to COAs. He said the companies keep redefining what
they term "core business". He insisted, "All our jobs
are core business."

Mike Libber, a delegate from Region 3, complained that
the companies use money saved from concessions to invest
in non union plants.

Paul Baxter, a delegate from Local 659, said, "Without
stronger language we will be invested into oblivion
because every investment is contingent on a net loss
of jobs."

"This is not a CAP Convention, it's a Bargaining
Convention"

Justin "Double Barrel" West, a four time delegate from
Local 2488, eliminated any doubt that this was a business
as usual convention.

"I rise in opposition regarding "income security
issues." TWO TIERS is KILLING this union. This resolution
hardly mentions tiered wage scales amongst other concessions.

Delphi executives continue to extract bonuses as rewards
for their heinous attack on workers across the globe. Ford
rewards its' executives with bonuses for extracting wage
and benefit concessions from workers and retirees. Now,
Daimler-Chrysler, in the midst of their continued profitable
corporate record, seeks to cover it all up so they too can
join the concessions bandwagon.

We, the membership, as elected reps from across the nation
and Canada and Puerto Rico…from varying industries and job
classifications, need to share with the leadership of the
International…and with each other…our ideas on how to combat
the corporate economic terrorism being foisted upon all working
people across the globe. How do we fight back? When will it end?

Let there be no doubt that the UAW is in a fight for
survival: the media calls it a "fight for relevance."
Meanwhile, the UAW International's approach has been to espouse
"Good things come from competitive corporations." Or that
partnerships fostering cooperation with the corps is the way
to go. Brother Gettelfinger gave a tremendous opening speech
but even within his oration, he stated that we should not
confuse cooperation with capitulation.

Brother Gettelfinger…I am from Peoria, Illinois and I was
at the convention in 1998 when our late President Steve Yokich
called the concessionary filled settlement at Caterpillar Tractor
a "victory." Caterpillar is hiring…2nd tier wages, no benefits,
no seniority, and full-time temps! Concessions, be they at GM,
Ford, Chrysler, American Axle, Delphi, Visteon, Mitsubishi, NUMMI,
and or elsewhere, will not be a victory!

Brother Gettelfinger: we gave Delphi the GM PLANTS; we
gave Delphi two-tier wages; we gave Delphi the GM workers'
pensions! These concessions have not sated that corporation's
thirst for more blood in this race to the bottom. Delphi has
declared a bankruptcy organized to destroy every last shred
of dignity and security that generations of union members
fought and sacrificed to achieve. My point is, Brother
Gettelfinger, concessions do NOT save jobs! To you, the
International leadership, I urge you not to confuse "victory"
with "concessions."

Brother Gettelfinger: you say much of these problems
need to be addressed through government legislation…but
this is not a CAP Convention, this is a BARGAINING Convention…
what can WE as workers do, DIRECTLY, NOW, to help fight
this onslaught of corporate greed before the Big Three
talks…on our jobs, at our Locals, amongst our brothers and
sisters? To this body, I urge you to vote this resolution
down until we address strategies to mobilize and fight
back at the grassroots level.

Lastly, Thank you, Brother Gettelfinger, for mentioning
the struggle at Conn-Selmer, the Vincent Bach plant. Those
locked-out members are on the front lines, suffering but
hanging in there to defend the American Dream."

The delegates burst into applause and Gettelfinger added
another name to a list that was growing longer.

Vicky Varaclay, a delegate from an American Axle plant
related how the lack of a pattern agreement was undermining
collective bargaining. "We need stronger language
on whipsawing."

Several delegates objected to takeaways from retirees who
"can't afford copays" on a fixed income. "Retirees are
worried sick" about medical expenses. "When you go in and
change a plan [in the middle of a contract] you make people
afraid," a retired delegate said.

The strategy of containing rebellion against the corporate
agenda by channeling anger toward politics instead
of employers is on its last legs. Too many delegates
said, "The language isn't strong enough."

The Rank & File is the Backbone

The next morning at a Concession Caucus breakfast for
delegates Gettelfinger ridiculed the small group of union
members who carried picket signs in front of the convention
center the day before. Their signs said things like: Equal
Pay for Equal Work, No Two Tier, Equal Rights for New Hires,
Protect Our Pensions, Hold GM Accountable for Delphi Pensions,
Hands Off My Pension, Put the Backbone Back into the UAW,
Stop Whipsawing.

What exactly did Gettelfinger disagree with? How do those
ideas conflict with the UAW agenda for bargaining?

On the first day of the convention soldiers of solidarity
distributed the No Concession leaflet to delegates. On the
second morning they distributed the leaflet about Delphi
pensions which reiterated my conversation with UAW-VP
Dick Shoemaker at the Constitutional Convention. Shoemaker
declined to speak publicly for the record but admitted privately
that the issue was unresolved and still had to be negotiated.
The flip side of that flier was titled "Put the Backbone Back
in the UAW". Gettelfinger took one from a soldier and went
into the hall.

One Question: The Delphi Pension

Before the convention started I saw Gettelfinger in the
lobby glad handing delegates. I waited my turn, shook his
hand, and asked, "What will happen to the Delphi pension
when the Benefit Guarantee expires at the end of this contract?"

"Gregg, we know you're not supposed to be here,"
Gettelfinger said. "We know you're not a delegate anymore."
He looked at my Press Pass. "And we know you're not a reporter
either. But that's all right. We don't mind that you're here."

I repeated the question. "What will happen to the Delphi
pension when the Benefit Guarantee expires at the end of this
contract?"

"I saw what you wrote about Dick Shoemaker," Gettelfinger
said. "Gregg, you don't hurt us, and you don't help us,
either way."

I hesitate to interpret the motivations of superior
beings but I think he wanted to make me feel insignificant.
It didn't seem important to me, so I repeated the question.
"What will happen to the Delphi pension when the Benefit
Guarantee expires at the end of this contract?"

"You should ask the UAW-GM department," he said.

"I have asked them several times but I can't get an answer.
It's important to UAW members from Delphi. I know people who
worked more than 30 years for GM and have a Delphi pension
today. They want an answer."

"We know you're not supposed to be here, Gregg. But that's
all right with us. We don't mind that you're here. See?
I'm not such a bad guy."

I don't know what his guyness had to do with it, but to
his credit about an hour later here comes Mike Grimes and
David Shoemaker from the UAW-GM department to talk with me.
My cohort, Bob Mabbit from the UnCommonSense started rolling
the video camera but they refused to speak on record.
We walked down a hall way and talked privately.

They explained that "Ron Gettelfinger told us to come out
and talk with you and answer your questions."

I repeated the one question.

They assured me that Delphi was a top priority. "We
have told GM It is our position that the Benefit Guarantee
will be triggered before the Delphi situation is settled."

I told them I was glad to hear that the UAW was committed
to holding GM accountable for our pensions, but the UAW can't
trigger the Benefit Guarantee. Events trigger the Benefit
Guarantee. If Delphi doesn't stop paying the pension before
the Benefit Guarantee expires, there is no triggering event.

"We can cause them financial distress," Shoemaker said.

"Do you mean a strike?" I asked.

"As far as we are concerned they are already in financial
distress," Grimes said.

In other words it still has to be negotiated and no one,
neither GM, Delphi, nor the UAW has stated publicly for
the record that GM is accountable for the Delphi pensions.

The Fight for Dignity

Back in the convention delegates were debating a resolution
on Health and Safety. Vanessa Williams from Local 155 said,
"IPS [Independent Parts Suppliers] feel lost and left out."
She reported that workers "injured daily" in her plant were
harassed by management and they had to call MIOSHA despite
the fact they have union representation.

Mike Parker from Local 1700 said the resolution failed
to address "the fundamental problem — the right to refuse
an unsafe job." He explained that too often workers were
forced to work in conditions they felt were unsafe while
managers took their sweet time making up their minds.
He called on delegates to "empower workers" with the
right to refuse unsafe work.

Paul Baxter from Local 659 in Flint said, "Unionism is about
the fight for dignity." He said that assembly work cycles
were "so tight you can't get a drink or put a stick of gum
in your mouth." He cited a passage from the Bible on the
treatment of farm animals. "We should at least hold
management to the same standard."

At the end of the convention Wendy Thompson talked about
the massive rally organized against Delphi's threat to
close one plant in Spain. She said, "We should organize
a rally for the opening day of negotiations."
The convention burst into applause.

Where Do We Go from Here?

On the first day of the convention Gettelfinger waved his
fist in the air and threatened to strike Delphi if they
voided the contract. It was a strange act considering how
much ground he has surrendered. However, the message from
the floor was consistent and clear, "The language isn't
strong enough."

Workers don't want more concessions, cooperation with
corporate restructuring, or competitive agreements.
If we wait for the Concession Caucus to mobilize
resistance, we'll all get Delphied.

Continue to collect signatures on the No Concession
Petition; whether you collect one or one thousand
signatures mail the copies to:

No Concessions Petition
P.O. Box 202
Montrose, MI 48457

A soldier of solidarity will see they are delivered
to negotiators on or before the opening day
of negotiations. We are the backbone of the UAW.
Let's show them what we're made of.

SOS, Gregg Shotwell
UAW Local 1753
Bargaining Convention Report

Sisters and Brothers,
April 2, 2007

I would like to thank those 2nd Shift workers and
retirees who came to a rally on Tues., Mar. 27th
organized in front of Cobo at the convention opening
by UAW Soldiers of Solidarity which was formed out
of the Delphi bankruptcy crisis. We looked good with
our signs out in front of the Convention entrance and
delegates came over to talk to us. It was small, but
the rank and file made itself heard.

Once again, I am sorry to report the convention
was "business as usual", everything decided in advance
with delegates having no real say. It's puzzling because
many delegates don't like it this way, but they feel
if they speak up or "vote the wrong way", a "ton of bricks
will fall on them".

Motion to Change to More Democratic Rules Fails

A motion was made to change the rules so that discussion
could occur on "Organizing to Fight Back". This session
would have covered how we can mobilize the membership,
build solidarity, resist company whipsawing and divisive
strategies like two tier, and pitting older worker against
younger ones.

Unfortunately this motion did not pass. Instead we
had read to us one long resolution that you could not
amend but rather had to vote up or down in its entirety.
It was a wish list of all things good without talking
about what our plan is for upcoming negotiations. We know
these negotiations are going to be more difficult for the
Big Three than anything we have seen before.

There were some brave individuals who did speak out
on issues of concern, like two tier wages. Some delegates
said that 2 tier wages were tremendously unpopular where
they had been implemented. But, people felt they had
to bend over backwards being respectful to avoid reproach.
An open and democratic union wouldn't be like that.

I had the opportunity to speak twice during the
proceedings. I told the delegates we needed a strategy
for negotiations that would mobilize our members to show
the strength of our numbers, working and retired. It's
outrageous that management is still raking in bonuses while
we are told that we must pay more for health care and receive
lower wages "in order to be competitive". They justify
their salaries and bonuses even when they fail to do their
jobs. Management made the decision about what to build
and where to spend research money, not the workforce.
Yet we are expected to bail them out with more concessions.
This is nothing but insane! If you read some business
publications, you will see that business is publicly
worrying about how long workers are going to allow this
tremendous wealth growing at the top without revolting
against it!

In negotiations this year we face a dilemma. Unlike
GM and Ford, the UAW Chrysler Dept. did not open up the
contract midterm for concessions. This helped us at AAM
avoid opening up our contract midterm. Chrysler workers
have held onto the Pattern Contract. We need to move GM,
Ford, and ourselves up to it. (If you remember, we did
not get the wages increases the Big Three did and we were
forced to accept 2 tier).

Strike GM and Chrysler

However, Chrysler is now on the auction block like
Gear and Axle was in 1994. I suggested they organize the
membership demanding to be taken off the block, like we
did here at the Gear before '94. Since GM is looking
like it will be in the strongest economic position this
summer, I said we should threaten to strike GM and Chrysler
at the same time in order to be in the best possible
bargaining position.

The business community tries to convince us that
strikes cannot be effective, but we should not fall
for that. With the just-in-time system and with the
Big Three needing to run efficiently right now, we have
a strong advantage. No one wants to strike, but the way
business is trying to take us into a third world life
style is completely out of control!

It has made me angry to see how the press presents
management's case for us to take more concessions.
Yet, the UAW has not been presenting our case to the
public with any kind of vigor. This made the membership
think that no one is in their corner. Polls are stating
that autoworkers expect we will have to take more
concessions. This is absolutely the wrong position
to be in for a pre-negotiations period!

President Gettelfinger in his speech said:
"cooperation should not be equated with capitulation."
But here's the problem: the companies say: "we want
more concessions", the union says: "we believe in
cooperating with the companies". What are rank and
file workers supposed to think ? The UAW leadership
has seemed to be giving up before negotiations have
even started.

The same problem of a mixed message exists concerning
pattern bargaining. The resolution correctly states that:
"labor compensation should not be based on which employers
compete" and we should be "removing wages and benefits
from the competitive equation". Yet, the UAW says
it believes in being competitive even when that means
pitting us against workers in low wage countries and
non-union plants in this country. This causes the
membership to fear they have no protection from
a free fall.

We Need a Massive Rally the First Day of Big Three
Negotiations

I suggested a massive rally organized for the
1st day of negotiations. We must reach out to the
public with a strong message: We did not cause the
problems of the Big Three and should not have to
suffer for Management's bad decisions. We must hold
the line on the slide downwards.

Meanwhile, when market share goes down for one
company it goes up for another. If all autoworkers
in this country were UAW members we would better be
able to protect our members when companies mess up.
Last year at the Constitutional Convention it was
decided to allocate $60 million for organizing out
of the $874 million in the strike fund. However,
it was placed in the general fund and not into the
organizing budget. Nothing has been done with it
and now the UAW says it won't do anything until
after negotiations. This is a mistake. We need
to start now training and hiring an "army" of UAW
organizers. With the loss of many experienced members
lately, this could be a way to put talented union members
to work.

Near the end of the one long resolution presented
by the International to the Convention, it spoke to the
importance of building international unionism and this
is key. In Spain, where they want to close a Delphi plant
in Puerto Real, Cadiz, the labor movement is planning
to organize a general strike for April 18th! When all
workers join together like this, it makes it difficult
to ride roughshod over one isolated plant. Are we as
powerless as we feel? Only if we remain separate and
uninvolved.

This newsletter is what I spoke for at the Convention.
Join me in circulating a "No Concessions" petition.
I will have them available at the plant gates. AAM is
profitable. We are in a strong position to eliminate
2 tier by negotiating a wage bridge between the 1st and
2nd tier so everyone will reach the higher wage.
We need to win back the 3% raises we lost and in no
way take more health care concessions for working or
retired.

Through the distribution of the newsletter Shifting
Gears at Colfor and MSP as well as the five pattern AAM
plants, I came into contact with the elected leaders and
helped Colfor and MSP developed new lines of communication
at the Convention with the pattern plant delegates. This
contact should improve more in the future and will help keep
AAM from whipsawing us like they have in the past.

Wendy Thompson, Convention Delegate,
Wthomp4490@aol.com, h. 313-892-7974, c. 313-215-7672

Please attend Local 235/Local 262 Workers' Memorial
Day Rally, Fri., April 27th.

Let's honor all those injured or killed in the workplace.

1:00 pm . Afternoon Shift workers meet at Local 262 south
of Holbrook on St. Aubin.

We will march up St. Aubin to Holbrook

2:30 pm Day Shift workers join in front of Motown
Credit Union and we march to Pl. 3

3:00 pm We will arrive in front of Plant 3 for
the Rally. Join us!

Labor donated

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8) HOW IRAN TREATS PRISONERS
HOW THE US TREATS PRISONERS
"Call that humiliation? No hoods. No electric shocks. No beatings.
These Iranians are clearly a very uncivilised bunch."
Terry Jones
Saturday March 31, 2007
The Guardian
http://www.guardian .co.uk/

I share the outrage expressed in the British press over the treatment
of our naval personnel accused by Iran of illegally entering their waters.
It is a disgrace. We would never dream of treating captives like this --

allowing them to smoke cigarettes, for example, even though it has
been proven that smoking kills. And as for compelling poor
servicewoman Faye Turney to wear a black headscarf, and then
allowing the picture to be posted around the world -- have the Iranians
no concept of civilised behaviour? For God's sake, what's wrong with
putting a bag over her head? That's what we do with Muslims
we capture: we put bags over their heads, so it's hard to breathe.
Then it's perfectly acceptable to take photographs of them and
circulate them to the press because the captives can't be recognised
and humiliated as these unfortunate British service people have been.

It is also unacceptable that these British captives should be made to talk
on television and say things that they may regret later. If the Iranians put
duct tape over their mouths, as we do to our captives, they wouldn't
be able to talk at all. Of course they'd probably find it even harder
to breathe -- especially with a bag over their head -- but at least
they wouldn't be humiliated.

And what's all this about allowing the captives to write letters home
saying they are all right? It's time the Iranians fell into line with
the rest of the civilised world: they should allow their captives
the privacy of solitary confinement. That's one of the many
privileges the US grants to its captives in Guantánamo Bay.

The true mark of a civilised country is that it doesn't rush into
charging people whom it has arbitrarily arrested in places
it's just invaded. The inmates of Guantánamo, for example,
have been enjoying all the privacy they want for almost five years,
and the first inmate has only just been charged. What a contrast to
the disgraceful Iranian rush to parade their captives before the cameras!

What's more, it is clear that the Iranians are not giving their British
prisoners any decent physical exercise. The US military make sure
that their Iraqi captives enjoy PT. This takes the form of exciting
"stress positions", which the captives are expected to hold for hours
on end so as to improve their stomach and calf muscles. A common
exercise is where they are made to stand on the balls of their feet
and then squat so that their thighs are parallel to the ground.
This creates intense pain and, finally, muscle failure. It's all good
healthy fun and has the bonus that the captives will confess to anything
to get out of it.

And this brings me to my final point. It is clear from her TV appearance
that servicewoman Turney has been put under pressure. The newspapers
have persuaded behavioural psychologists to examine the footage and
they all conclude that she is "unhappy and stressed".

What is so appalling is the underhand way in which the Iranians have
got her "unhappy and stressed". She shows no signs of electrocution
or burn marks and there are no signs of beating on her face. This
is unacceptable. If captives are to be put under duress, such as by
forcing them into compromising sexual positions, or having electric
shocks to their genitals, they should be photographed, as in Abu Ghraib.
The photographs should then be circulated around the civilised world
so that everyone can see exactly what has been going on.
As Stephen Glover pointed out in the Daily Mail, perhaps it would not be
right to bomb Iran in retaliation for the humiliation of our servicemen,
but clearly the Iranian people must be made to suffer -- whether by
intensified sanctions, as the Mail suggests, or simply by urging
[P]resident Bush to hurry an invasion, as he intends one anyway,
to bring democracy and western values to Iran, as he has done in Iraq.

Terry Jones is a film director, actor, and Python
www.terry-jones. net

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9) More Than a Feeling
Editorial
April 4, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/04/opinion/04weds1.html?hp

President Bush and his advisers have made a lot of ridiculous
charges about critics of the war in Iraq: they’re unpatriotic,
they want the terrorists to win, they don’t support the troops,
to cite just a few. But none of these seem quite as absurd
as President Bush’s latest suggestion, that critics of the
war whose children are at risk are too “emotional” to see
things clearly.

The direct target was Matthew Dowd, one of the chief
strategists of Mr. Bush’s 2004 presidential campaign,
who has grown disillusioned with the president and the
war, which he made clear in an interview with Jim Rutenberg
published in The Times last Sunday. But by extension,
Mr. Bush’s comments were insulting to the hundreds of
thousands of Americans whose sons, daughters, sisters,
brothers and spouses have served or will serve in Iraq.

They are perfectly capable of forming judgments about
the war, pro or con, on the merits. But when Mr. Bush
was asked about Mr. Dowd during a Rose Garden news
conference yesterday, he said, “This is an emotional
issue for Matthew, as it is for a lot of other people
in our country.”

Mr. Dowd’s case, Mr. Bush said, “as I understand it,
is obviously intensified because his son is deployable.”

Over the weekend, two of Mr. Bush’s chief spokesmen,
Dan Bartlett and Dana Perino, claimed that Mr. Dowd’s
change of heart about the war was rooted in “personal”
issues and “emotions,” and talked of his “personal
journey.” In recent years, Mr. Dowd suffered the death
of a premature twin daughter, and was divorced.
His son is scheduled to serve in Iraq soon.

Mr. Dowd said his experiences were a backdrop to his
reconsideration of his support of the war and Mr. Bush.
There is nothing wrong with that, but there is something
deeply wrong with the White House’s dismissing his criticism
as emotional, as if it has no reasoned connection
to Mr. Bush’s policies.

This form of attack is especially galling from a president
who from the start tried to paint this war as virtually
sacrifice-free: the Iraqis would welcome America with
open arms, the war would be paid for with Iraqi oil
revenues — and the all-volunteer military would
concentrate the sacrifice on only a portion of the
nation’s families.

Mr. Bush’s comments about Mr. Dowd are a reflection
of the otherworldliness that permeates his public
appearances these days. Mr. Bush seems increasingly
isolated, clinging to a fantasy version of Iraq that
is more and more disconnected from reality. He gives
a frightening impression that he has never heard any
voice from any quarter that gave him pause, much less
led him to rethink a position.

Mr. Bush’s former campaign aide showed an open-mindedness
and willingness to adapt to reality that is sorely
lacking in the commander in chief.

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10) Daimler Considers Selling Off Chrysler Division
By MARK LANDLER
April 4, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/04/business/04cnd-daimler.html?hp

BERLIN, April 4 — DaimlerChrysler confirmed for the first
time today that it is in negotiations with a number
of parties about the sale of its money-losing Chrysler
division.

Speaking at DaimlerChrysler’s annual meeting here, Dieter
Zetsche, the chief executive, said, “I can confirm that
we are talking with some of the potential partners who
have shown a clear interest.”

Mr. Zetsche did not identify the automaker’s suitors,
nor did he guarantee that the talks would end in a sale
of Chrysler. “We need to keep all options open,” he
said. “We need to keep maximum scope for maneuver.”

DaimlerChrysler’s confirmation was not a surprise.
The auto industry has crackled with rumors about
would-be bidders for Chrysler since mid-February,
when Mr. Zetsche disclosed the company was considering
all options for the unit, which lost $1.5 billion
last year.

But it added to the momentum that is building behind
a sale. DaimlerChrysler’s shares rose nearly 1 percent
this morning, on top of a roughly 25 percent rise
in the stock since the company put Chrysler into play.

The mood among the 8,000 or so shareholders assembled
here for the company’s annual shareholders’ meeting
was unmistakable: they expect DaimlerChrysler to cut
loose Chrysler, unwinding a trans-Atlantic merger that
was hailed at the time of its announcement in 1998
as a blueprint for the future of the global auto
industry.

A steady stream of investors stood up during the
meeting to condemn the merger and demand a speedy
sale.

“Should there be a divorce in court, we would be very
happy,” said Henning Gebhardt, a spokesman for DWS,
a major German asset management firm. His fear, he said,
was that DaimlerChrysler would not find a buyer willing
to take Chrysler off its hands on acceptable terms.

With some $20 billion in health-care obligations for
retired workers, Chrysler will not be easy to sell,
according to analysts. Some estimate it may fetch as
little as $5 billion to $7 billion — or even nothing.

“What will happen if you do not find a new bridegroom
for Chrysler, or if the dowry is too high?”
Mr. Gebhardt said.

Hans-Richard Schmitz, a spokesman for the German
Association for the Protection of Shareholders, said,
“This marriage made in heaven turned out to be
a complete failure.”

Mr. Schmitz criticized DaimlerChrysler’s management
for even reserving the option of not selling the unit.
“What’s missing now is a swift resolution of the issue
by the management of the group,” he said. “I don’t
understand why you’re so hesitant, Dr. Zetsche.”

Among the shareholder proposals scheduled to be put
to a vote here later today is one that would require
DaimlerChrysler to change its name back to Daimler-Benz
if it does not unload Chrysler by March 31, 2008.

“Maintaining a corporate name that evokes associations
with the failure of the business combination with Chrysler
is detrimental to the image of the corporation and its
products,” said the proposal, submitted by two shareholders,
Ekkehard Wenger and Leonhard Knoll.

The company said the DaimlerChrysler name was well
established, and urged shareholders to reject the proposal.

Some shareholders expressed frustration that Mr. Zetsche
did not disclose more details about the potential sale.

So far, three parties have submitted expressions of interest
in Chrysler, according to people involved in the negotiations:
two private-equity firms — Blackstone Group and Cerberus
and the Canadian auto-parts supplier, Magna International,
which is working with another private equity investor,
Ripplewood.

The talks are expected to be lengthy and arduous, and
a deal is not likely for a few months, these executives said.

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11) Jungle Law
"In 1972, crude oil began to flow from Texaco's
wells in the area around Lago Agrio ("sour
lake"), in the Ecuadorean Amazon. Born that same
year, Pablo Fajardo is now the lead attorney in
an epic lawsuit˜among the largest environmental
suits in history˜against Chevron, which acquired
Texaco in 2001. Reporting on an emotional battle
in a makeshift jungle courtroom, the author
investigates how many hundreds of square miles of
surrounding rain forest became a toxic-waste dump."
by William Langewiesche
May 2007
http://www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2007/05/texaco200705


In a forsaken little town in the Ecuadorean
Amazon, an overgrown oil camp called Lago Agrio,
the giant Chevron Corporation has been maneuvered
into a makeshift courtroom and is being sued to
answer for conditions in 1,700 square miles of
rain forest said by environmentalists to be one
of the world's most contaminated industrial
sites. The pollution consists of huge quantities
of crude oil and associated wastes, mixed in with
the toxic compounds used for drilling
operations˜a noxious soup that for decades was
dumped into leaky pits, or directly into the
Amazonian watershed. The company that did much of
this work was Texaco˜an outfit with a
swashbuckling reputation worldwide. It signed a
contract with Ecuador in 1964, began full-scale
production in 1972, and pulled out 20 years
later. In 2001, Texaco was swallowed whole by
Chevron, which by integrating its operations
nearly doubled in size. The lawsuit against it in
Lago Agrio was filed in 2003, though the legal
antecedents go back much further. Having dragged
on for four years, the suit may continue for half
again as long. Chevron is represented by
high-priced firms of experienced lawyers in Quito
and Washington, D.C., whose collective fees run
to millions of dollars annually. Its antagonists
are 30,000 Amazonian settlers and indigenous
people, who call themselves Los Afectados˜the
Affected Ones. These plaintiffs are represented
by a low-budget but serious team of North
American and Ecuadorean attorneys, who are backed
by a Philadelphia law firm that is known for
class-action securities litigation and has
gambled that this case, though risky, can actually be won.

Chevron objects vociferously, and presents itself
as the victim here. Its attorneys have repeatedly
claimed that the company is being extorted for
"two juicy checks," one to be divided among the
plaintiffs and the other to enrich their North
American lawyers. The North American lawyers are
indeed working on a contingency basis, but
unapologetically so, and for a percentage
significantly lower than the norm in high-risk
cases; they would like to be well compensated for
their efforts, but as much, they say, to
encourage other lawyers to bring similar suits
elsewhere in the world as to pad their personal
bank accounts. The most active among them is a
New Yorkˆbased Harvard Law School graduate named
Steven Donziger, who has invested 14 years in the
case and would certainly be more secure had he
pursued a conventional career involving the
preservation of wealth. He counterclaims that
Chevron's lawyers are the real mercenaries here.
It is a philosophical quarrel that will never be resolved.

As for the plaintiffs themselves, under
Ecuadorean law they are not suing individually,
and personally may never see a dime. They have
sued to seek compensation for past damages and to
force Chevron to clean up the residual mess that
continues, they believe, to taint the soil and
water today. It is unclear how a cleanup would
proceed and to what extent it could succeed, but
over decades the cost might run to $6 billion or
more˜making this potentially the largest
environmental lawsuit ever to be fought. And
fight is the word. The case has become emotional
for both sides, with few signs of willingness to
compromise. Worldwide the oil industry is
watching. Lago Agrio is a forsaken little town
where something rather large is going down.

This is not, however, a U.S.-style legal drama.
The Lago Agrio court follows Ecuadorean
procedures, which minimize oral arguments and
rely heavily on submitted documents to get at the
truth. So far the proceedings have generated
close to 200,000 pages. There is no jury to sway.
There is a single presiding judge, drawn from a
pool of three on a rotating basis for a two-year
term of unusual pressure. Currently the judge is
a rotund middle-aged man, a reader of Dostoyevsky
and a convert to Islam. He must be the only
Muslim in town. He told me it is not easy to be a
judge there. Five years ago he was ambushed and
machine-gunned while driving his car. His
companion was killed, but he himself escaped. The
attackers were hired killers, of whom Lago Agrio
has an ample supply. Colombia's largest
cocaine-production area lies just over the border
a few miles to the north, and is peopled not only
by narco-traffickers but also by leftist
guerrillas and right-wing paramilitary groups.
The police in Lago Agrio make a show sometimes of
directing traffic. They did not investigate the
attack, the judge believes, because they feared
retribution. The judge accepted this without
complaint, as if he had learned to believe in
fate. Lago Agrio means "sour lake." He told me
that the only safe choice there is to run away.
Chevron would probably agree. It denies that the
judge is fair, denies that the plaintiffs have
legitimate complaints, denies that their soil and
water samples are meaningful, denies that the
methods the company used to extract oil in the
past were substandard, denies that it
contaminated the forest, denies that the forest
is contaminated, denies that there is a link
between the drinking water and high rates of
cancer, leukemia, birth defects, and skin
disease, denies that unusual health problems have
been demonstrated˜and, for added measure, denies
that it bears responsibility for any
environmental damage that might after all be
found to exist. If Chevron can convince the court
of the validity of even a few of those points, it
will win the case and leave town.

(clip)

--

www.marxmail.org

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LINKS AND VERY SHORT STORIES

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Havana rights
Calvin Tucker
March 28, 2007 8:30 PM
http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/calvin_tucker/2007/03/the_street_sce
ne_was_entertain.html

Marking Time, Making Do
By JOHN FREEMAN GILL
NY Times, April 1, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/01/nyregion/thecity/01subw.html

What They Didn't Teach Us in Library School
The Public Library as an Asylum for the Homeless
By Chip Ward
http://www.tomdispatch.com/index.mhtml?pid=180836

Freedom Fight Against 'Freedom Champions'
Inter Press Service
Dahr Jamail
"DOHA, Apr 2 (IPS) - The al-Jazeera television network could
be emerging as a freedom champion against U.S. pressures
on the channel, leading media figures say."
http://dahrjamailiraq.com

One Safety Net Is Disappearing. What Will Follow?
By DAVID LEONHARDT
April 4, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/04/business/04leonhardt.html?_r=1&adxnnl=1&oref=slogin&adxnnlx=1175715826-TzzMluaV9e3apBlAiCHwpQ

The Latest Trend in Corporate America
Circuit City's Guinea Pigs
By SHARON SMITH
April 4, 2007
http://www.counterpunch.org/sharon04042007.html

An Arid West No Longer Waits for Rain
By RANDAL C. ARCHIBOLD and KIRK JOHNSON
April 4, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/04/us/04drought.html?ref=us

Three Yale Students Arrested for Flag Burning
By JOHN HOLUSHA
Three Yale University students were arrested early Tuesday
morning for burning an American flag on a pole attached
to a house in New Haven, the Yale Daily News reported today.
The three men, all of foreign origin, were charged with
offenses ranging from reckless endangerment to arson and
were held in jail Tuesday night after a judge refused to
release them without bail.
According to the newspaper, the New Haven police said the
men — two freshmen and a senior — first attracted police
attention at about 3 a.m. Tuesday when they asked two offcers
for directions back to their residence. They were identified
as Said Hyder Akbar, 23, Nikolaos Angelopoulos, 19, and
Farhad Anklesaria, also 19.
The two officers returned to the neighborhood shortly
afterward and found the flag burning in front of a house.
One officer pulled down the flag to keep the fire from
spreading and the other tracked down the three men. The
police said the men admitted to starting the blaze, the
newspaper reported.
Mr. Anklesaria was identified as a British subject and
Mr. Angelopoulos as a citizen of Greece. Mr. Akbar was
born in Pakistan and is a naturalized American citizen,
the newspaper said.
Mr. Akbar is the author of a published memoir, “Come
Back to Afghanistan,” describing his experiences over
three summers spent observing reconstruction efforts
in Afghanistan and acting as an informal translator
for American forces there.
April 4, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/04/nyregion/04cnd-yale.html?hp

Iran to Release 15 Britons Held Since March 23
By SARAH LYALL and CHRISTINE HAUSER
April 4, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/04/world/middleeast/04cnd-iran.html?hp

Documents Show Secret FBI Unit Targeted Antiwar Group
http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040307R.shtml

Hang Up on War
Posted on Apr 3, 2007
By Amy Goodman
http://www.truthdig .com/report/ item/hang_ up_on_war/

"Beyond Vietnam,"
Martin Luther King Address
To the Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam
Riverside Church
4 April 1967
New York City
http://www.africanamericans.com/MLKjrBeyondVietnam.htm

Time in the Animal Mind
By CARL ZIMMER
April 3, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/03/science/03time.html?_r=1&8dpc&oref=slogin

Robert Fisk: The war of humiliation
Published: 02 April 2007
http://news.independent.co.uk/world/fisk/article2412764.ece

US anti-Zionist synagogue gutted
"A synagogue of an anti-Zionist Jewish group has been
destroyed in a fire.
The blaze tore through a synagogue of Neturei Karta
near New York and the residence of a senior rabbi.
Police have established a crime scene and are investigating
the cause of the fire. The ultra-orthodox group has recently
been the target of threats.
In December, five members of the community attended
a conference for Holocaust deniers in Iran and met
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
Arson claims
Rabbi Moshe Beck, who lives in the building in the town
of Monsey - about 30 miles (48km) from New York -
was in London when the fire broke out, said Neturei
Karta member Rabbi Yisroel Dovid Weiss.
Mr Weiss said the group believes it was targeted by
arsonists because it had previously received threats.
'There's no question that the issue is to stifle the
opposition to Zionism,' he said to AP news agency.
Police would not confirm whether they were treating
the fire as suspicious.
Neturei Karta opposes the existence of the state
of Israel on religious grounds.
Members of the group - whose name means 'Guardians
of the City' - believe Jews should live under Arab
Muslim rule until the Messiah comes."
Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/americas/6518033.stm

Justices Rule Against White House on Emissions
By DAVID STOUT
April 2, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/02/washington/02cnd-scotus.html?hp

Crime Intensifies Debate Over Taping of Suspects
By ERIC LIPTON and JENNIFER STEINHAUER
April 2, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/02/washington/02taping.html?ref=us

Poor Nations to Bear Brunt as World Warms
By ANDREW C. REVKIN
April 1, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/01/science/earth/01climate.html?hp

The Fake Fight Over the Iraq War
That Was an Antiwar Vote?
By ALEXANDER COCKBURN
and JEFFREY ST. CLAIR
March 31 / April 1, 2007
Weekend Edition
http://www.counterpunch.com/cockburn03312007.html

Judge Allows Private Testing for Mad Cow
By MATT APUZZO, Associated Press Writers
Thursday, March 29, 2007
http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/n/a/2007/03/29/national/w153913D29.DTL&hw=mad+cow&sn=001&sc=1000

Residents of Fallujah Fear a US 'Genocidal Strategy'
http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/03/30/188/

Gulf Hits Snags in Rebuilding Public Works
By LESLIE EATON
March 31, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/31/us/31fema.html?ref=us

Bill to Legalize Abortion Set to Pass in Mexico City
By JAMES C. McKINLEY Jr.
March 31, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/31/world/americas/31mexico.html?ref=world

Olmert Rejects Right of Return for Palestinians
By STEVEN ERLANGER
March 31, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/31/world/middleeast/31mideast.html?ref=world

How did the real hero of the anti-slavery movement
get airbrushed out of history?
By ISABEL WOLFF
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/pages/live/articles/news/news.html?in_article_id=444105&in_page_id=1770

Disuse of System Is Cited in Gaps in Soldiers’ Care
By IAN URBINA and RON NIXON
March 30, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/30/washington/30medical.html?hp

New York City to Reward Poor for Doing Right Thing
By DIANE CARDWELL
March 30, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/30/nyregion/30poverty.html?ref=nyregion

White House Proposal Would Move Illegal Immigrants
Off the Citizenship Path
By RACHEL L. SWARNS
White House officials have issued a discussion document
on immigration that calls for legislation that would grant
legal status to illegal immigrants and guest workers, but
would not put them on a path to citizenship. It would allow
illegal immigrants to remain in the country indefinitely,
under certain conditions, and would require guest workers
to leave the country after six years. The document, drafted
after several meetings with Republican senators, was
designed to garner broad Republican support for key
immigration principals. Democratic and Republican
senators are negotiating in hope of coming to a consensus
on an immigration bill.
March 30, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/30/washington/30brfs-citizen.html

Cuba: Castro Criticizes U.S. Biofuel Policies
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
The Cuban leader, Fidel Castro, lashed out against American plans
to increase use of renewable fuels, mainly ethanol, in a front-page
article in the Communist Party newspaper, Granma, warning that
food stocks for millions of people would be threatened. The article,
titled “Condemned to Premature Death by Hunger and Thirst —
More Than 3 Billion People of the World,” said that if the United
States and other wealthy nations decided to import huge amounts
of traditional crops like corn from poorer countries to help meet
their energy needs, “you will see how many people among the hungry
masses of our planet will no longer consume corn.” “Or even worse,”
it continued, “by offering financing to poor countries to produce
ethanol from corn or any other kind of food, no tree will be left
to defend humanity from climate change.” They were his first
comments on international issues since Mr. Castro took ill last July.
In recent weeks, several senior Cuban officials have indicated that
he might soon take a more active role and even return
to the presidency.
March 30, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/30/world/americas/30briefs-castro.html

Opposition to the War Growing Among Troops
by Sarah Olson
March 30, 2007
http://www.antiwar.com/orig/solson.php?articleid=10742

Two Radical Immigrants, Framed for Murder, Executed by the State
Sacco and Vanzetti Revisited
By MARLENE MARTIN
March 29, 2007
http://www.counterpunch.org/martin03292007.html

Havana rights
Plans to legalise gay marriage and offer sex change
operations free of charge mean Cuba is set to become
the most socially liberal country in the Americas.
March 28, 2007 8:30 PM
http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/calvin_tucker/2007/03/the_street_scene_was_entertain.html

Eighteen Months After Katrina
"When it is all said and done, there has been a lot more said than done."
http://www.justiceforneworleans.org/index.php?module=article&view=83&page_num=1

Study Says Junk Food Still Dominates Youth TV
By ELIZABETH OLSON
March 29, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/business/media/29adco.html

Located in Hospital, DNA Clears Buffalo Man Convicted in ’80s Rapes
By DAVID STABA
March 29, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/nyregion/29bike.html?ref=nyregion

Texas: Deal on Juvenile Prisons
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Lawmakers and the governor vowed to abolish the Texas Youth
Commission’s board in favor of a juvenile prison czar. The plan
puts the agency into a conservatorship for now and allows a single
executive to take it over later. The commission has been in turmoil
since a two-year-old sexual abuse investigation surfaced a month
ago. Lawmakers still must introduce legislation and vote on the plan.
Gov. Rick Perry, a Republican, made Jay Kimbrough the conservator.
Mr. Kimbrough, left, said that he would fire immediately 111
commission employees who have felony convictions and that
superintendents of commission facilities and other top officials
would have to reapply for their jobs.
March 29, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/us/29brfs-DEALONJUVENI_BRF.html

California: Sentences in Immigrant Hiring
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Two executives at a fence-building company were sentenced
to six months of home confinement for hiring illegal immigrants.
The men, Mel Kay, founder, chairman and president of the business,
Golden State Fence Company of Riverside, and Michael McLaughlin,
a manager, had pleaded guilty to knowingly hiring illegal immigrants.
In addition, the two were sentenced to three years’ probation.
Also, Mr. Kay was fined $200,000; McLaughlin agreed
to pay $100,000.
March 29, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/us/29brfs-SENTENCESINI_BRF.html

Colleges Hiring Lenders to Field Queries on Aid
By JONATHAN D. GLATER
March 29, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/education/29loans.html?ref=us

Street Violence by Paris Youths Intrudes Again Into French Politics
By KATRIN BENNHOLD
March 29, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/world/europe/29paris.html

Inside the secretive plan to gut the Endangered Species Act
"Proposed regulatory changes, obtained by Salon, would destroy the
'safety net for animals and plants on the brink of extinction,'
say environmentalists.'
By Rebecca Clarren
http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2007/03/27/endangered_species/

Pennsylvania: Negligence Is Cited in Deadly Mine Explosion
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Federal investigators found “flagrant violations” at a Pennsylvania
mine where a worker died last year in a methane gas explosion, the
federal Mine Safety and Health Administration said. The R&D Coal
Company did not ensure adequate ventilation, safe blasting practices
or proper preshift safety checks at the mine, Buck Mountain Slope,
directly contributing to the Oct. 23 death of Dale Reightler, 43,
a veteran miner, federal officials said. The miners conducting the
blasting that day were not qualified to handle explosives and set
them off before other miners could get to a safe area, investigators
found. State regulators have revoked R&D’s permit to operate the
Buck Mountain site, in Schuylkill County about 80 miles northwest
of Philadelphia. R&D officers did not respond to requests for comment.
March 27, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/27/us/27brfs-mine.html

Black Politicians Chicken Out on Reparations
Black Press International
http://news.newamericamedia.org/news/view_article.html?article_id=44ad0172db35b08198274c68176d54e7

Failing Schools See a Solution in Longer Day
By DIANA JEAN SCHEMO
March 26, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/26/us/26schoolday.html?ref=us

Aged, Frail and Denied Care by Their Insurers
By CHARLES DUHIGG
March 26, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/26/business/26care.html?hp

Chavez Launches Formation of Unified Socialist Party of Venezuela
Sunday, Mar 25, 2007
By: Chris Carlson - Venezuelanalysis.com
http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/news.php?newsno=2250

Four Years Later in Iraq
Where are the Laptop Bombardiers Now?
By ALEXANDER COCKBURN
Weekend Edition
March 24 / 25, 2007
http://www.counterpunch.com/cockburn03242007.html

The Women’s War
By SARA CORBETT
Editors' Note Appended
March 18, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/18/magazine/18cover.html

City Police Spied Broadly Before G.O.P. Convention
By JIM DWYER
For at least a year before the 2004 Republican National Convention,
teams of undercover New York City police officers traveled to cities
across the country, Canada and Europe to conduct covert observations
of people who planned to protest at the convention, according
to police records and interviews.
March 25, 2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/25/nyregion/25infiltrate.html?hp

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GENERAL ANNOUNCEMENTS
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A NEW LOOK AT U.S. RADIOACTIVE WEAPONS
Join us in a campaign to expose and stop the use of these illegal weapons
http://poisondust.org/

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You may enjoy watching these.
In struggle
Che:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nqcezl9dD2c
Leon:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ukkFVV5X0p4

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FIGHTBACK! A Collection of Socialist Essays
By Sylvia Weinstein
http://www.walterlippmann.com/sylvia-weinstein-fightback-intro.html

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[The Scab
"After God had finished the rattlesnake, the toad,
and the vampire, he had some awful substance left with
which he made a scab."
"A scab is a two-legged animal with a corkscrew soul,
a water brain, a combination backbone of jelly and glue.
Where others have hearts, he carries a tumor of rotten
principles." "When a scab comes down the street,
men turn their backs and angels weep in heaven, and
the devil shuts the gates of hell to keep him out."
"No man (or woman) has a right to scab so long as there
is a pool of water to drown his carcass in,
or a rope long enough to hang his body with.
Judas was a gentleman compared with a scab.
For betraying his master, he had character enough
to hang himself." A scab has not.
"Esau sold his birthright for a mess of pottage.
Judas sold his Savior for thirty pieces of silver.
Benedict Arnold sold his country for a promise of
a commision in the british army."
The scab sells his birthright, country, his wife,
his children and his fellowmen for an unfulfilled
promise from his employer.
Esau was a traitor to himself; Judas was a traitor
to his God; Benedict Arnold was a traitor to his country;
a scab is a traitor to his God, his country,
his family and his class."
Author --- Jack London (1876-1916)...Roland Sheppard
http://web.mac.com/rolandgarret]

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END ALL U.S. AID TO ISRAEL!
Stop funding Israel's war against Palestine
Complete the form at the website listed below with your information.
https://secure2.convio.net/pep/site/Advocacy?
JServSessionIdr003=cga2p2o6x1.app2a&cmd=display&page=UserAction&id=177

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Sand Creek Massacre
"THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
SHORT FEATURED AT NATIVE AMERICAN FILM FESTIVAL:
http://www.aberdeennews.com/mld/aberdeennews/news/local/16035305.htm
(scroll down when you get there])
"THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING
WRITER/FILMMAKER DONALD L. VASICEK REPORT:
http://www.digitalcinemareport.com/sandcreekmassacre.html
"THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
SHORT FINALIST IN DOCUMENTARY CHANNEL COMPETITION (VIEW HERE):
http://www.docupyx.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=28&Itemid=41
VIEW "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
SHORT FILM MOVIE OF THE WEEK FOR FREE HERE:
http://twymancreative.com/twymanc.html

On November 29, 1864, 700 Colorado troops savagely slaughtered
over 450 Cheyenne children, disabled, elders, and women in the
southeastern Colorado Territory under its protection. This act
became known as the Sand Creek Massacre. This film project
("The Sand Creek Massacre" documentary film project) is an
examination of an open wound in the souls of the Cheyenne
people as told from their perspective. This project chronicles
that horrific 19th century event and its affect on the 21st century
struggle for respectful coexistence between white and native
plains cultures in the United States of America.

Listed below are links on which you can click to get the latest news,
products, and view, free, "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" award-
winning documentary short. In order to create more native
awareness, particularly to save the roots of America's history,
please read the following:

Some people in America are trying to save the world. Bless
them. In the meantime, the roots of America are dying.
What happens to a plant when the roots die? The plant dies
according to my biology teacher in high school. American's
roots are its native people. Many of America's native people
are dying from drug and alcohol abuse, poverty, hunger,
and disease, which was introduced to them by the Caucasian
male. Tribal elders are dying. When they die, their oral
histories go with them. Our native's oral histories are the
essence of the roots of America, what took place before
our ancestors came over to America, what is taking place,
and what will be taking place. It is time we replenish
America's roots with native awareness, else America
continues its decaying, and ultimately, its death.

You can help. The 22-MINUTE SAND CREEK MASSACRE
DOCUMENTARY PRESENTATION/EDUCATIONAL DVD IS
READY FOR PURCHASE! (pass the word about this powerful
educational tool to friends, family, schools, parents, teachers,
and other related people and organizations to contact
me (dvasicek@earthlink.net, 303-903-2103) for information
about how they can purchase the DVD and have me come
to their children's school to show the film and to interact
in a questions and answers discussion about the Sand
Creek Massacre.

Happy Holidays!

Donald L. Vasicek
Olympus Films+, LLC
http://us.imdb.com/Name?Vasicek,+Don
http://www.donvasicek.com
dvasicek@earthlink.net
303-903-2103

"THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
SHORT FEATURED AT NATIVE AMERICAN FILM FESTIVAL:
http://www.aberdeennews.com/mld/aberdeennews/news/local/16035305.htm
(scroll down when you get there])
"THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING
WRITER/FILMMAKER DONALD L. VASICEK REPORT:
http://www.digitalcinemareport.com/sandcreekmassacre.html
"THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
SHORT FINALIST IN DOCUMENTARY CHANNEL COMPETITION (VIEW HERE):
http://www.docupyx.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=28&Itemid=41
VIEW "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
SHORT FILM MOVIE OF THE WEEK FOR FREE HERE:
http://twymancreative.com/twymanc.html

SHOP:
http://www.manataka.org/page633.html
BuyIndies.com
donvasicek.com.

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